The future of Nepal Army lies in the balance recruitment of Nepal ethnic group.
It is to my  understanding that men from various ethnic groups were not given a fair share and chance
of enlisting in the Nepal army before.
It's only recently i been hearing that Nepal army is trying to include man from janajatis communtities?
Therefore man from Rai, Limbu, Magar and Gurung would no doubt make the Nepal army a crack force.

Jai Nepal

Nice to hear this mr.JPEG but its nt that the men from Gurung, Magar, Limbu and Rai are not in the nepalese army just because of deficiency of quota previously, but its only because of the heavy amount of salary and lavishing perks given in the british army.

So until and unless such kind of perks are given in the Nepalese army, it in no way is going to be a ccrack force.

Country like Nepal doesn't need any army.
just think about it.
Rather there should be military training for every citizens of certain age and citizens should be allowed bear arms under law.

pilot23 it was not a matter of money and pension that lure the men from lahure communities(GMLR) went to seek job in the foreign army.
it was the lack of opportunity at home. i can give you a guarantee that many of these men who enlisted in
the foreign army were rejected in Nepal army application.
 joining nepal army for lahure communtities is piece of cake if they was competition in Nepal army intake like the British counterparts.

statistically showing they have never been a fair share of recruitment and opportunity for other ethnic groups of Nepal.   
just wondering why maoist people's liberation army was formed??
and why Nepal army was simply no match for PLA??

Yah, Ethnic issues are very critical for the NA. But, looking at the more immediate issue, will the NA or the Government WIN the Current Power-struggle?

Yes we need to be honest with ourselves. We no longer can afford to deny the injustice being done to the majority of Nepalese. If we are honest and not afraid to speak it out, we can fully eradicate the problem of RACISM the sooner.
Here's a articles which prove injustice that has been going on since the founding of Nepal by PNS.

In the name of fighting terror, the Royal Nepalese Army has relentlessly unleashed terror on unarmed civilians using rapes, disappearances, mass murders and torture. However, the army has escaped public attention.
The April uprising delivered a legally defunct Parliament back to power. This Parliament had to set about undoing most of the royal excesses of the past. The Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) had played a crucial role in consolidating the king’s coup in February 2005 and in retaining it until April 2006. Hence, democratizing this institution and bringing it in line with the aspirations of the people would register stiff resistance from the upper echelon in the army.
The Nepal army had played a crucial role in the colonization process embarked upon by the small Gorkha kingdom in the 18th century. Mainstream history books record the process as ‘unification’ of the smaller principalities of Nepal. The terrain, the complex society, the economy and political structures of the varied little kingdoms that were subdued were not an obstacle to the marching Nepalese army. The first ruler of what is modern Nepal, Prithvi Narayan Shah, envisaged the State as resting on two pillars: a satisfied peasantry and a loyal army.
The military is a crucial component of security for any modern nation-state which has perceived threats that are both external and internal. In Nepal’s case, basically, the military has historically been engaged with quelling internal threats to the notion of the unified Hindu kingdom. The Nepal army itself traces its own roots to the conquest and subsequent unification of modern-day Nepal by Prithvi Narayan Shah, the tenth direct ancestor of the present incumbent, Gyanendra, in the mid-18th century. Historically, then, the army’s loyalty is forged to the monarch. It is rooted in a feudal and colonial history whose only role in history has been to repress the people.

This was the state until 1990. After the people’s movement (Jan Andolan), Nepal witnessed multiparty democracy and constitutional monarchy. Theoretically, the 1990 Constitution transferred the country’s sovereignty to its people. However, in real terms, nothing changed. ‘Democracy’ could not force a change in the army’s high command. The top position of the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) remained with only four clans. For close to 200 years, among the 37 chiefs of staff, 26 came from the Rana family and the remaining 11 from the Thapa, Shah and Basnet clans. The majority of officer corps in the higher echelon has historically hailed from the powerful Khas-Thakuri caste close to the royal family. Proximity to the royal family was nurtured by matrimonial ties between the Ranas and the Shahs, and their offspring’s marriages to other high-caste Hindus of the traditional courtier higher classes. The top military brass, getting its education and training abroad, remains an integral part of the royalist club. With such privileges passed on through inheritance, what is the incentive for this ‘Club of Five’ families to move with the times? During training, new recruits are indoctrinated to take pride in the role the RNA has played in the creation and consolidation of the Nepali State and sees itself as the ultimate defender of the kingdom. Armies have to be conformist. Reinforcing this belief becomes easy in the army training institutions, especially with cadets who have been socialized into these ideas even before they enter the portals of the institutions. Knowing no other reality, they accept the reality they were born into. Indeed, in this world there is only contempt for politicians, the vast sections of the urban and rural poor, the labouring classes and other unwashed elements of the society.

Feudalism was reinforced by the ruler Mahendra, who, during the Panchayat period, was particularly solicitous of the welfare of the officers and other ranks. He issued royal grants of land and other privileges to create personal bonds between himself and key officers. Therefore, multiparty democracy as an interlude was irritating to the top brass. Former Chief of Staff, Prajwalla Shumsher Rana, put forward his best arguments at the passing-out parade of officers at the Army Staff College on March 28, 2002, “Who is responsible for the present state of the country?... Was it malgovernance (kushasan) of the political parties or was it the army? How just is it to burden the army with this difficult situation created by political reasons?”
The pretext of people’s war by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) was rewarding for the RNA. A flush of arms poured in from India, the US and UK. Arms were also being purchased from other countries, including Israel. The army’s budget was going up, and its ranks were swelling. And yet, the irritant of multiparty democracy, at least in form, remained simmering and alive.
This nagging irritation was removed by the royal proclamation of February 1, 2005. Gyanendra went on to announce that the RNA was free to run industries, set up companies, and launch projects in partnership with national or multinational companies. They could even set up mobile FM radio stations. Military power had to be reinforced with commercial profit.

The military has historically been engaged with quelling internal threats to the unified Hindu kingdom. Its loyalty is forged to the monarch. It is rooted in a feudal history whose only role has been to repress the people

However, the people’s massive movement, surging beneath the surface, rose to a crescendo in April 2006. A step back was necessary. Consequently, the name of the army was changed to NA. The military secretariat was put under Parliament. Other changes were effected. However, in its essence, the army remains the same in character and structure. It is unrepresentative of the population. The feudal structure is entrenched with the Khas-Thakuri generals who are not willing to include the indigenous people of the Terai or the dalits. Women were included, but in auxiliary services, and that too very few. The disparity between the privileges of officers and other ranks is too sharp to be ignored.
In the contemporary politicized milieu of Nepal, there have been incidents of desertion and mutiny, which are not highlighted. The army recruits at the bottom are the same impoverished peasants and workers oppressed by the feudal Nepali State. Surely, the NA cannot afford to retain its present hierarchy, domination and conservatism in a peaceful democracy that is envisaged for Nepal by its people. It has to take into cognizance the social and cultural changes sweeping Nepal through transformations in consciousness brought by the Maoists, dalits, janajati, women, Madheshis and other indigenous and autonomous people’s movements.
The NA has always had a fractious relationship with elected the governments. GP Koirala has headed the government five times since 1991 and has always kept the defense portfolio with himself. The relationship between the minister and the army high command always lacked mutual confidence. The army, with the implicit support of the palace, was reluctant to strengthen the civilian government’s position during the entire pre-2005 period.
The intentional denial to engage militarily with the Maoists at Dunai, district headquarters of Dailekh, on September 29, 2000, despite the Nepalese army having been dispatched by the then Prime Minister GP Koirala for that purpose, was part of the long term policy of the palace. The subsequent Rolpa episode led to the resignation of Koirala as prime minister of the elected government, who questioned the loyalty of the RNA and criticised its disregard of the civilian government.
The fact remains that after 1990, no single defence minister has been able to take up the issue of even cosmetic changes in the RNA, which grew from 43,000 to 90,000 in a short time after November 2001, in the name of curbing insurgency. In the intervening period, the US military specialist team that visited Nepal in mid-2002 had suggested an expansion of the force by another 78,000 which would have pushed the number to 200,000: an army of three corps, six mountain divisions and four plains divisions.
It should also be recalled that during the last two phases of ceasefire between the government and Maoist rebels, it was the RNA that sabotaged peace talks. In August 2003, the provocative killing of unarmed activists by the RNA in Doramba on the very day of the beginning of the peace talks was acknowledged by even the status quo defenders as unpalatable and indefensible. During the civil war, their conduct was always questioned by national and international forums. In the name of fighting terror, they were relentlessly unleashing terror on unarmed civilians using rapes, disappearances, mass murders, torture and intimidation.
When the Maoists declared ceasefire in the run-up to the April movement, the RNA did not spare aerial attacks on mass meetings and other provocations. After April 2006, the chiefs of all security services were hauled up for their role in the repression of the people in the previous years of autocracy and absolutism — all but for the army chief. Under the system of unified command, which was then in force, the army chief was at the top of the pyramid with all other chiefs reporting to him. Hence, there has to be a system of accountability when it comes to serious allegations of sustained, mass atrocities committed against the people. Civilian rule, as is now prevailing in Nepal, in whatever shape it may be, is also about professionalizing the army, not just about democracy and the rule of law. The NA needs to be transformed from a monopolist, royalist force for State violence operating in defence of feudal privileges and brought in line as a national army serving the people and defending their interests.
In Nepal’s historical context, how this will be done, as yet, remains a mystery. Especially because structurally the military elite is wedded to the traditional institution of monarchy. The international community and Nepal’s privileged classes are raising concerns about the Maoist army, militia and arms. However, the NA has escaped public attention. With a ceasefire in place between the new government and the rebels, and with talks on, there is a serious possibility of lasting peace in Nepal through a politically-negotiated settlement that also includes the future of the two armies and their arms.
Indeed, even the recent conduct of the army personnel is not assuring.
Kantipuronline reported on July 30, 2006, of an incident involving three dozen armed soldiers and others led by a dismissed captain of the NA Bhairavnath Battalion who seized the Kathmandu Durbar Marg Ward Police Office, forcibly took away three police personnel and subjected them to severe torture.
Incidents such as this raise questions about discipline and war-lordism among the NA, and need to be factored during the monitoring of the peace process. Only then can we hope for a democratic republic of Nepal.

The writer is a Phd scholar in JNU, New Delhi

Yes we need to be honest with ourselves. We no longer can afford to
deny the injustice being done to the majority of Nepalese. If we are
honest and not afraid to speak it out, we can fully eradicate the
problem of RACISM the sooner.

Here's a articles which prove injustice that has been going on since the founding of Nepal by PNS.



    In the name of fighting terror, the Royal Nepalese Army has
relentlessly unleashed terror on unarmed civilians using rapes,
disappearances, mass murders and torture. However, the army has escaped
public attention.

The April uprising delivered a legally defunct Parliament back to
power. This Parliament had to set about undoing most of the royal
excesses of the past. The Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) had played a
crucial role in consolidating the king’s coup in February 2005 and in
retaining it until April 2006. Hence, democratizing this institution
and bringing it in line with the aspirations of the people would
register stiff resistance from the upper echelon in the army.

The Nepal army had played a crucial role in the colonization process
embarked upon by the small Gorkha kingdom in the 18th century.
Mainstream history books record the process as ‘unification’ of the
smaller principalities of Nepal. The terrain, the complex society, the
economy and political structures of the varied little kingdoms that
were subdued were not an obstacle to the marching Nepalese army. The
first ruler of what is modern Nepal, Prithvi Narayan Shah, envisaged
the State as resting on two pillars: a satisfied peasantry and a loyal
army.

The military is a crucial component of security for any modern
nation-state which has perceived threats that are both external and
internal. In Nepal’s case, basically, the military has historically
been engaged with quelling internal threats to the notion of the
unified Hindu kingdom. The Nepal army itself traces its own roots to
the conquest and subsequent unification of modern-day Nepal by Prithvi
Narayan Shah, the tenth direct ancestor of the present incumbent,
Gyanendra, in the mid-18th century. Historically, then, the army’s
loyalty is forged to the monarch. It is rooted in a feudal and colonial
history whose only role in history has been to repress the people.

This was the state until 1990. After the people’s movement (Jan
Andolan), Nepal witnessed multiparty democracy and constitutional
monarchy. Theoretically, the 1990 Constitution transferred the
country’s sovereignty to its people. However, in real terms, nothing
changed. ‘Democracy’ could not force a change in the army’s high
command. The top position of the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) remained
with only four clans. For close to 200 years, among the 37 chiefs of staff, 26 came from the Rana family and the remaining 11 from the Thapa, Shah and Basnet clans.
The majority of officer corps in the higher echelon has historically
hailed from the powerful Khas-Thakuri caste close to the royal family.
Proximity to the royal family was nurtured by matrimonial ties between
the Ranas and the Shahs, and their offspring’s marriages to other
high-caste Hindus of the traditional courtier higher classes. The top
military brass, getting its education and training abroad, remains an
integral part of the royalist club.

With such privileges passed on through inheritance, what is the incentive for this ‘Club of Five’ families
to move with the times? During training, new recruits are indoctrinated
to take pride in the role the RNA has played in the creation and
consolidation of the Nepali State and sees itself as the ultimate
defender of the kingdom. Armies have to be conformist. Reinforcing this
belief becomes easy in the army training institutions, especially with
cadets who have been socialized into these ideas even before they enter
the portals of the institutions. Knowing no other reality, they accept
the reality they were born into. Indeed, in this world there is only
contempt for politicians, the vast sections of the urban and rural
poor, the labouring classes and other unwashed elements of the society.

Feudalism was reinforced by the ruler Mahendra, who, during the
Panchayat period, was particularly solicitous of the welfare of the
officers and other ranks. He issued royal grants of land and other
privileges to create personal bonds between himself and key officers.
Therefore, multiparty democracy as an interlude was irritating to the
top brass. Former Chief of Staff, Prajwalla Shumsher Rana, put forward
his best arguments at the passing-out parade of officers at the Army
Staff College on March 28, 2002, “Who is responsible for the present
state of the country?... Was it malgovernance (kushasan) of the
political parties or was it the army? How just is it to burden the army
with this difficult situation created by political reasons?”

The pretext of people’s war by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
was rewarding for the RNA. A flush of arms poured in from India, the US
and UK. Arms were also being purchased from other countries, including
Israel. The army’s budget was going up, and its ranks were swelling.
And yet, the irritant of multiparty democracy, at least in form,
remained simmering and alive.

This nagging irritation was removed by the royal proclamation of
February 1, 2005. Gyanendra went on to announce that the RNA was free
to run industries, set up companies, and launch projects in partnership
with national or multinational companies. They could even set up mobile
FM radio stations. Military power had to be reinforced with commercial
profit.



The military has historically been engaged with quelling internal
threats to the unified Hindu kingdom. Its loyalty is forged to the
monarch. It is rooted in a feudal history whose only role has been to
repress the people



However, the people’s massive movement, surging beneath the surface,
rose to a crescendo in April 2006. A step back was necessary.
Consequently, the name of the army was changed to NA. The military
secretariat was put under Parliament. Other changes were effected.
However, in its essence, the army remains the same in character and
structure. It is unrepresentative of the population. The feudal
structure is entrenched with the Khas-Thakuri generals who are not willing to include the indigenous people of the Terai or the dalits.
Women were included, but in auxiliary services, and that too very few.
The disparity between the privileges of officers and other ranks is too
sharp to be ignored.

In the contemporary politicized milieu of Nepal, there have been
incidents of desertion and mutiny, which are not highlighted. The army
recruits at the bottom are the same impoverished peasants and workers
oppressed by the feudal Nepali State. Surely, the NA cannot afford to
retain its present hierarchy, domination and conservatism in a peaceful
democracy that is envisaged for Nepal by its people. It has to take
into cognizance the social and cultural changes sweeping Nepal through
transformations in consciousness brought by the Maoists, dalits,
janajati, women, Madheshis and other indigenous and autonomous people’s
movements.

The NA has always had a fractious relationship with elected the
governments. GP Koirala has headed the government five times since 1991
and has always kept the defense portfolio with himself. The
relationship between the minister and the army high command always
lacked mutual confidence. The army, with the implicit support of the
palace, was reluctant to strengthen the civilian government’s position
during the entire pre-2005 period.

The intentional denial to engage militarily with the Maoists at Dunai,
district headquarters of Dailekh, on September 29, 2000, despite the
Nepalese army having been dispatched by the then Prime Minister GP
Koirala for that purpose, was part of the long term policy of the
palace. The subsequent Rolpa episode led to the resignation of Koirala
as prime minister of the elected government, who questioned the loyalty
of the RNA and criticised its disregard of the civilian government.

The fact remains that after 1990, no single defence minister has been
able to take up the issue of even cosmetic changes in the RNA, which
grew from 43,000 to 90,000 in a short time after November 2001, in the
name of curbing insurgency. In the intervening period, the US military
specialist team that visited Nepal in mid-2002 had suggested an
expansion of the force by another 78,000 which would have pushed the
number to 200,000: an army of three corps, six mountain divisions and
four plains divisions.

It should also be recalled that during the last two phases of ceasefire
between the government and Maoist rebels, it was the RNA that sabotaged
peace talks. In August 2003, the provocative killing of unarmed
activists by the RNA in Doramba on the very day of the beginning of the
peace talks was acknowledged by even the status quo defenders as
unpalatable and indefensible. During the civil war, their conduct was
always questioned by national and international forums. In the name of
fighting terror, they were relentlessly unleashing terror on unarmed
civilians using rapes, disappearances, mass murders, torture and
intimidation.

When the Maoists declared ceasefire in the run-up to the April
movement, the RNA did not spare aerial attacks on mass meetings and
other provocations. After April 2006, the chiefs of all security
services were hauled up for their role in the repression of the people
in the previous years of autocracy and absolutism — all but for the
army chief. Under the system of unified command, which was then in
force, the army chief was at the top of the pyramid with all other
chiefs reporting to him. Hence, there has to be a system of
accountability when it comes to serious allegations of sustained, mass
atrocities committed against the people. Civilian rule, as is now
prevailing in Nepal, in whatever shape it may be, is also about
professionalizing the army, not just about democracy and the rule of
law. The NA needs to be transformed
from a monopolist, royalist force for State violence operating in
defence of feudal privileges and brought in line as a national army
serving the people and defending their interests.

In Nepal’s historical context, how this will be done, as yet, remains a
mystery. Especially because structurally the military elite is wedded
to the traditional institution of monarchy. The international community
and Nepal’s privileged classes are raising concerns about the Maoist
army, militia and arms. However, the NA has escaped public attention.
With a ceasefire in place between the new government and the rebels,
and with talks on, there is a serious possibility of lasting peace in
Nepal through a politically-negotiated settlement that also includes
the future of the two armies and their arms.

Indeed, even the recent conduct of the army personnel is not assuring.

Kantipuronline reported on July 30, 2006, of an incident involving
three dozen armed soldiers and others led by a dismissed captain of the
NA Bhairavnath Battalion who seized the Kathmandu Durbar Marg Ward
Police Office, forcibly took away three police personnel and subjected
them to severe torture.

Incidents such as this raise questions about discipline and war-lordism
among the NA, and need to be factored during the monitoring of the
peace process. Only then can we hope for a democratic republic of Nepal.



The writer is a Phd scholar in JNU, New Delhi

Harua, lute and corrupt Nepal Army ko future ke hola - Zero. Kul Bahadur ko sochai is the future and all those feudalists better start believing it.

Jali magar jee,, ko haryo ko harena bhanera ta dekhi sakyo ni... ahile samma PKD ra Maobadi le Loppa matra khayeko chha army sanga....Baru tapai sochnus ke future hola jungali maobadi ko....Kul bahadur ra usko sochai army cheif hunu purba nai selaune chha....Ki kaso jali magar jee

yo khate kunchain le tyo  "Raw" ko agend S. D Mune or tinak chela haruko ko article
copy paste garera phd scholar ko article bhanera k kmu ji  nepal ra nepal
army lai sano dekhayera k prove garna khojya . nepal bigreko yestai
ardha gyani harule garera ho..mu uji haru lai reality, internation
geopolitics kehi tha pata chaina afule afulai k democratic bhanera
prove garchas..timi gadha haru ra tyo salik todhne YCL ma kehi farak
chaina..Nepal army ma madhese haru jana nai nachaychi k garchas? sale
terai ka mache haru DOCTOR ENGG kati chan tha cha? daijo paincha nepal
army ma gayera??? budhhi laga...tyesta jaba khate research garera hero
huna banda gar gadha ho! and well said pilot23 yesta murkha tathakatit afulai bidwan bhanna ruchaune le aru factor haru dekhdainan kin kohi nepal army join garchan/ gardainan bhanera  ra chaine nachaine kura ma jati ta ra racism ko kura garchan! khohi gurnu family ko kasilai sodha British laure ma jane ra bitish laure lai chori dine chalan le garda gurugn basti ujadisakyo..dharan jao, ghandruk jao, sikhles jao mula ho..sajha ma ayera oppurtunity nabhayera nagare..yesto sathahi analysis khaltima rakha!

Nobody can understand the pain and suffering of joining foreign army than the lahures themselves.
It's true comparatively the pay and incentives + benefits surpasses that of Nepal army.
But then you have to see the competition in getting to be enlisted in the british army.
Out of 20,000-40,000 applicants annually, only 350 are recruited. 200 will go to british and the rest to Singapore! If you guys have seen the british selection method, Nepal army is nowhere near.
Hence it's the world's toughest regiment in the world.
More pain to that are the harsh life in foreign country. The reality of being in the foreign army
puts them at greater risk than others. Lahures are the first line of defense in whatever the uk is involved.
More painstakingly these lahures are away from home, most of their life. They do not know if they would ever see their loves one again whenever they are out on the operation.


Therefore Shantipriya chill out! you think it is so easy to be a lahure. If these men are given a equal chance of being a lahure or the Nepal army, i am sure these men would choose prefer to be in their own country.
It's pride to serve one's nation and being with your loves one.

To ignorant people like Shantipriya &pilot23 please watch this video.
Truth hurts but you need to accept reality.
These men did not join the foreign army for the sake of money and other benefits.
It means nothing when they have to leave their love ones which many would never be able to see them again.
But the reality that little opportunity at home means they had to sacrifice their life by joining foreign army so that they can bring their family lives for better.
Now i want to know why are you guys in the United States?

If these lahures were given the same opportunity to join the Nepal army through competitive selection method as seen here in the video, i'm sure they be more than happy and i'm sure the table of % of caste/ ethnic groups in the Nepal army would have been otherwise.

 

Chopda sir, this is about KB’s line of thinking, not what happens to him. Please try to be a little open minded about the future; there is room for even people like yourself and help is at hand to get you over this defeatist mentality. So go on have another go.

 

Cut the crap ..too try 2 b smart @@ jpeg, kasaile manufacture gareko kura copy pasete and youtube ko video post garera afulai bidwan nabhanthan, ani tero gurung sathi wa family ma khoi gurung cha bhane gayera sodh jaaantha first priotity british army 2nd indian ra third nepal army huncha ..yo kura tainle soche jasto sajilo kina chaina bhane tero depth chaina no 1, second tan bais/racist chas 3rd gayera laure ka family lai sodh uniharu brtitish citizenship lina kati atur chan ra tero dimag ma gidi bhaye sunsan dharan ko sadak ma hidera her ..ani bujchas..yo british army ma jane "culture" bhaisakyo bhusya dimag! yest turth hurts jun kurale garda tan chain hurt bhais! waihat prani..

Jali Magar,,, KB line is thinking is hugely influence by the greed of becoming next COAS...He is falling for the Lollypop being thrown by PKD..I wanna be open minded about the future but Maoist in the Government I dont see any future of Nepal. They are no different from King, Girija and UML.

Shantipriya don't be a foolish ignorant pig. you are jealous of lahures communities.
Lahures communities are doing much better than many other ethnic groups in nepal.
As i told you earlier no person would leave his country if given an equal employment at home.
and don't talk about dharan or pokhara kid.
these two cities can be proudly claim that the two cities were built by sweat and blood of lahures and not of nepali government.
even today ktm is mushrooming with lahures.
again it was the lahure who taught everyone of us to go in search of green pasture elsewhere.....kid!

Chopda ji KB ko line bhaneko uhi ho, integration. That is now a foregone conclusion whether Katuwal stays or goes. KB has played his part and now he is surplus to requirement. You really can’t make out the wood from the trees can you? Now for more progress just sit back and enjoy the ride.

oi dimag nabhako afno kura afain katne murkha jpeg, ma laure mathi jealous bhayo re ..murkha tainle bhane jasto gurung haru nepal army ma payo bhane ni first ma british army ma jancha, ta bhate le k bhanna khojeko kunni? baulais ki k ho?? yo lekheko tainle "If these men are given a equal chance of being a lahure or the Nepal
army, i am sure these men would choose prefer to be in their own
country." ani tyo Krishna Bhatt ko article copy paste garera chain taile k bhanna khojya? tyesma dorambha dekhi kura cha, k nepal army maobadi sanga ladna gako ki maobadi? ani pokhara dharan laure le matra garera develop bhako ki tourism le garda ni? tero ekhoro linde buddhi lai chain mannai parcha!

tan ta bahut lal bujakkad rechas, nepali ma euta ukhan cha " ma garchu agra kura budho garcha gagra kura" tero case ma chain " tan garchas agra kura ani tai garchas gagra kura". laure ko contribution ko bare ma mainle kahan deny garen...yesbata k prove huncha bhane ni tainle real life situation face garera kehi kura na bujya chas na bujchas tan jasto befkuf sajha ma first time bheten mainle..

litto kha new born baby!

btw, lal bujakkad jpeg pat murkha! pokhara city ma laure aunu bhanda agadi nai bhaktapur bata newar harule basti basali sakeko thiyo, pachi british camp shif bhayechi matra tyehan gurng laure auna thaleko! pheri kunai thaun euta community le garera saprane ra bigrane hundaina, tyehan terai community/group ko invlovement huncha, success hos ya failure! tero racist mind change gar! ani equal employment bhanne kura sansarko kahin hunnna manche haruko intelligence level ma ni dherai kura depend garcha..khali empolyment oppurtunity ko kura chain farak ho jun nepal jasto non industrialist and developing country ma kam huncha! jun kurabujna  tero dimag ko depth kam cha ! pakhandi!

To those fools who don't understand the reasons on why some Nepali man wants to become lahures
and the hardship they have to face at home and abroad. Watch this movie: