Posted by: paramendra September 24, 2004
Running Commentaries On Nepali Current Events
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The Sadbhavana Dilemma Paramendra Bhagat September 7, 2004 - http://www.geocities.com/paramendra/2004/nation1.html Sadbhavana did not exist for the longest time, and then it stayed small, and got smaller, and then it split, and then reunited, and then it opened up its account in the eastern Terai, then it split again. For someone who was in Kathmandu from 1983 to 1996, I am well aware of the need for a Sadbhavana for the Madhesi cause. If my generation and the generation before me will not fight the fight, the one after will have to. The struggle for equal rights can be postponed at best, it can not be wished away. The Madhesis in Nepal are like the Tamils in Sri Lanka, thought to be of Indian origin, and pushed to second class status, only luckier in that the Madhesis are almost half of Nepalýs population, whereas the Tamils are only close to 10% of Sri Lankaýs. And so the Madhesisý chances of righting the wrongs through the ballot box are very real. The Tamil tragedy of decades- long bloodshed is less likely to be replicated in Nepal for the Madhesi cause. I was involved with the Sadbhavana break-away faction, the Nepal Samajwadi Janata Dal, in the 1994 to 1996 period, when I came to the U.S. for college, and Hridayesh Tripathyýs letters of recommendation detailing my political activity were a big help during my applications process. I have been based in the US since 1996, vocal on the Madhesi cause at various Nepali online destinations like The Nepal Digest and Sajha. When you are abroad relying on online news sources, the Kathmandu mediaýs bias against the Sadbhavana becomes even more apparent. I have made my fair share of phone calls to my former ýcolleagues.ý When Tripathy and Mandal parted ways, it was a major blow to the cause. Tripathy was instrumental in launching the Sadbhavana in 1991. Five of the six M.P.s were from his part of the Terai. But then Mandal opened up the Sadbhavana account in Morang, a traditional bastion of the major Sadbhavana rival, the Congress, no small feat. It is worth noting that Gajendra Narayan Singh had sided with Girija Koirala in his turf tussle with Tripathy, and now Tripathy finds himself in alliance with Koirala in his tussle with Mandal. Sarlahi is another up and coming turf for the Sadbhavana, thanks to the likes of Rajendra Mahato. One thing that seems to work against Tripathy is the Bihar and UP style caste equations in the Terai that produced the likes of Laloo Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav. But Tripathy has always had the V. P. Singh option. And based on my personal dealings with him, I can vouch for his credentials on the issue. In a national political climate where the extreme left of the Maoists and the extreme right of the palace groups have occupied center stage, and the mainstream of political parties have been sidelined, the breakup of the Sadbhavana can in large be attributed to a play of external factors. But ultimately both Tripathy and Mandal will have to bury their hatchets and reunite, if their allegiance is to the cause and not to themselves. In a party that might have institutionalized internal democracy, many strong personalities can stay under the same umbrella. Who becomes party chairperson? Let the convention delegates decide through the secret ballot. Who becomes leader of the party in the parliament? Let the party M.P.s vote on the issue. Instead of cashing on the split of the Congress, the Sadbhavana chose to follow its example. That is a tragedy. That is not a strategy that will take it from three to 30 members in parliament, when it finally convenes. That is not a strategy that will help it reach out to the Janajatis, the SeTaMaGuRaLi group, the ýMadhesisý of the hills, for only a political alliance between the Madhesis and the Janajatis will give Sadbhavana the winning combination for it to become a majority party in its own right. One can only hope Mandal and Tripathy will come together. Perhaps a Mahato will play middleman.
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