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An exclusive spread sheet bulletin of the so called the Maoist group manifestos for references, analize, general study and better understanding of who`s who as well as related issue on current happenings in mother Nepal. Pros and cons its up to Sajha`s Buddhijibi Parishad....
THE ROYAL REGRESSION AND THE QUESTION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
Baburam Bhattarai
CPN(Maoist)
In his famous work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx had said: "Hegel observes somewhere that all great incidents and individuals of world history occur, as it were, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce." It was while drawing a parallel between the coup of 1851 by Napoleon's nephew Louis Bonaparte, who had then crowned himself as Napoleon III, and the original Napoleonic coup of 1799. Of course, this was in a satirical sense.
Similar law of Hegelian dialectics seems to be in operation in the history of Nepal, too. While the father, King Mahendra, had staged a military coup on December 16, 1960 against the first parliamentary democracy established after 1950 to centralise all power in himself, now the son, King Gyanendra, has staged another military coup on February 1, 2005 against the second parliamentary democracy restored after 1990 and centralised all state power in himself. However, for the politically enlightened ones, it is not difficult to see beneath the surface that this episode of February 1 is merely a continuation or culmination of the episode of June 1, 2001, when the relatively more weak or liberal King Birendra, along with his entire family, was butchered and a new dynasty ushered in by Gyanendra. This way, the "First February" of the Nepalese history seems to be a carbon copy of the "Eighteenth Brumaire" of the French history; but it is yet to be seen whether it will be more 'tragic' or more 'farcical'.
The Essence of the Royal Regression
In his every public utterances after the coup, including the 'royal proclamation' of February 1, Gyanendra has laboured hard to sell the theory that his present move is designed to restore 'peace' and consolidate 'multi-party democracy' by exorcising the ghost of 'terrorism' [i.e. the ongoing revolutionary People's War led by the CPN(Maoist), and this is meant only for a definite time-frame of coming three years. While talking to a group of selected media persons on February 24, he has particularly taken pains to project himself as the real Messiah of 'democracy' and the exorcist of 'terrorism' and has demanded of the parliamentary political parties and the entire members of the international community to cooperate with him in this grand venture against 'terrorism'. Thus, he has sought to project himself as the true follower of the US President George W. Bush in the international crusade against 'terrorism' and begged everybody to grant legitimacy to his autocratic military regime at least on that count. Of course, he seems to have learnt a few lessons from General Musarraf of Pakistan.
However, Gyanendra's such political gimmicks are not cutting much ice among the masses, as he has a tainted image as the hardliner autocrat even within the palace since his father's and bother's days and is particularly hated among the public as the real fratricidal and regicidal culprit in the palace massacre of June 1, 2001. Particularly after his induction of the old palace stooges of known anti-democratic persuasions like Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bista as his principal political associates and his abduction of all fundamental and democratic rights of the people with the contrywide declaration of emergency, the essential nature of his despotic military rule has been thoroughly unmasked. Despite his incessant parroting about his commitments towards 'multi-party democracy' and 'constitutional monarchy' , all his real practices so far including the crackdown on political parties and their leaders, free media and human rights activists and blatant trampling upon the limited democratic provisions of the old constitution, leave one in no doubt that the supine parliamentary democratic system has been snuffed out and the autocratic monarchy restored in the country.
Hence the questions arise: How could the limited bourgeois democratic system established after 1990 be abolished and the autocratic monarchy restored so smoothly? Should not the wheel of history move forward rather than backward? For the correct answers to these questions, one has to grasp the laws of social development in a scientific and objective manner and to correctly evaluate the weaknesses and limitations of the chronically infirm parliamentary system after 1990.
Firstly, it should be acknowledged that struggle between social classes provides the basic motive forces of societal development. The present Nepalese society in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial stage is a multi-class society, and the principal struggle there is among the feudal, the bourgeois and the proletarian classes. All the three principle contending classes have their allies, too. The traditionally dominant feudal class has the comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie with it; the small and weak bourgeois class has a section of the rural and urban petty-bourgeois class with it; and the proletariat has the vast number of poor peasants and semi-proletariat with it. This basically triangular class contention is increasingly turning into a bi-polar contention after the initiation and development of revolutionary People's War under the leadership of the proletariat since 1996. In other words, according to the law of class struggle and social development , the parasitic reactionary classes are polarised on one side under the leadership of the most capable and strong class among themselves, and on the other side are rallied the working and the progressive classes under the leadership of the most advanced class, the proletariat. As the monarchy representing the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeois classes is historically the strongest representative of the reactionary classes in Nepal, the parasitic classes most adversely affected by the revolutionary People's War have been increasingly rallying under the leadership of the monarchy. This is the rationale and essence of the current royal regression or the restoration of autocratic monarchy in the social class terms. The regressive march of the reactionary classes in opposition to the progressive march of the working classes is perfectly in keeping with the dialectical law of social development.
Secondly, viewing from a further political angle, it should be acknowledged that the inherent defects and weaknesses of the bourgeois parliamentary democracy established after 1990 and the general infirmity and incapacity of the middle strata and forces also provided an objective basis for the ultimate feudal autocratic regression. Historically, the major parliamentary political forces, viz. the Nepali Congress and later the revisionist UML, enjoy no independent class base of their own, and tend to represent a hodge-podge of class forces ranging from the feudals and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie to the petty-bourgeoisie and constantly take vacillating and conciliatory political positions. Contrary to this, the monarchy traditionally draws its strength from the prevailing feudal property and cultural relations, and principally, from its monopoly hold over the Royal Nepal Army (RNA). To be more specific, the political change and the Constitution of 1990 did not properly settle the question of 'state sovereignty' traditionally claimed by the monarchy and left the final 'state authority' and strategic control over the RNA in the hands of the monarchy. This 'historical blunder' (to paraphrase Jyoti Basu from India!) paved the way for the monarchy to gradually gobble up the parliament and the Constitution and consummate the current royal regression. Moreover, the parliamentary forces during their twelve years long rule in between did nothing to bring about a progressive transformation in the traditionally feudal and increasingly comprador and bureaucratic capitalist socio-economic and cultural base of the society. In the later period, particularly along with the rapid development of the revolutionary People's War, their class and political base got further eroded. As a result, the upper strata of the society which had backed the parliamentary forces after the political change of 1990 gradually returned back to the fold of the monarchy and the lower and a section of the middle strata naturally got polarized around the revolutionary People's War. This dilemma of the reformist parliamentary forces has been summed up in Chairman Com. Prachanda's recent People's War Anniversary statement thus: "Ultimately, the so-called royal proclamation of February 1 has not only exposed the irrelevance of reformism in the Nepalese politics, but also shattered the collective lethargy of the parliamentary political forces."
Thirdly, from a military point of view, this action of total centralization of the old state authority in the absolute monarchy can been as an attempt of the moribund reactionary classes to wage a final battle with the revolutionary forces in the ever mounting class war in the country. In view of the recent declaration of the CPN (Maoist) to lead the nine-year old revolutionary People's War into the final and decisive stage of strategic offensive, it is not unnatural, though foolish, for the frightened reactionary classes to attempt to wage a final battle of life and death under the direct leadership of the monarchy, which has assumed supreme commandership of the RNA since its inception. In the recent past the pathetic showing of the RNA in almost every real battle with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been blamed by certain quarters on the contradictions of de jure political leadership of the parliamentary forces and de facto leadership of the monarchy over the RNA, Also, it is not hard to understand the super military ambitions of Gyanendra, who has grabbed the throne by butchering the entire family of his brother, Birendra, to project himself as the great savior of his tottering feudal and comprador-bureaucratic bourgeois class. Nevertheless, as any common student of military science would know, the victory or defeat of a particular army ultimately depends more on its social class base and the political goal rather than on the leadership prowess of its commander, and in that sense the ultimate defeat of the reactionary RNA should be a foregone conclusion and Gyanendra's dream would be mere chimera.
Role of the International Forces
In the present day world of imperialist globalization any internal political event has more international ramifications than ever before. Hence the February 1 royal regression has generated worldwide reactions, and all major world and regional powers and organizations, including the UN, the USA, the UK, the EU, India, China and others have issued public statements on the question. Surprisingly none of the major international players have supported Gyanendra's regressive steps so far. Not only that the major powers like the USA, the UK, the EU and India, which have been the principal props for the reactionary regimes in Nepal in the past, have publicly opposed the current developments, and others like China, Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc. have commented upon the events as 'internal affairs of Nepal'. The most significant international development has been the suspension of military aid by India and the UK (the USA also appears to be toeing the same line) and suspension of 'development aid' by a number of EU countries. International human rights organisations such as the Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc., have publicly denounced the royal regime for its rampant violations of human and democratic rights of the people. Thus the autocratic royal regime has been totally isolated from the international community so far, which is a good omen for the democratic movement.
However, the despotic regime is desperately seeking to exploit two issues to gain international support for itself. The first is the 'anti-terrorism' card, and the second, the 'geo-political' card. The hackneyed 'anti-terrorism' card, much exploited after September Eleven by all and sundry petty dictators and reactionary regimes of the world, has already lost much of its original steam and is yet to be seen how it will fare in Gyanendra's case. But one can be fairly certain that the enlightened world public opinion won't be easily hoodwinked by the 'anti-terrorism' claims of a person of Gyanendra's ilk, whose hands are blood-stained in the infamous palace massacre and who has now launched a countryside reign of military terror against the people by suspending all political and fundamental rights. Nevertheless, as all the values and norms in a class-divided society are governed by class interests, it won't be surprising if some of the reactionary rulers of the world would ultimately back the regressive royal regime, overtly or covertly.
As far as the 'geo-political' card of the country's strategic positioning between the two super-states of China and India is concerned, Gyanendra's attempts to repeat the skillful diplomatic maneuvering of playing one neighbour against the other as practiced by his father, Mahendra, in the specific cold-war context of the last century cannot be expected to bear much fruit in the changed situation of international balance of forces in general and the India-China relations in particular. The recent coming together of the USA and India and their coordinated policy against royal regression may tempt Gyanendra to play the China card. He has given enough hints of this by appointing the old royalist Kirti Nidhi Bista with a known pro-China tilt as one of his principle associates in the government. Similarly, Pakistan and Bangladesh, with traditional contradictions with India, may provide some breathing space for the royal regime; some indications of which have already come from the Pakistani ambassador in Kathmandu. However, given the extremely shaky position and uncertain future of Gyanendra himself, it is hard to believe that any of the neighbours will go beyond diplomatic niceties to extend him any substantial material help. Similarly, on the part of the proletarian revolutionaries they should be prudent enough to practice strategic firmness and tactical flexibility in the matters of diplomatic relations particularly with the immediate neighbours.
Another noteworthy factor in recent days is the indication of some positive change in the attitude of major international and regional powers towards the revolutionary forces in Nepal. Due to their own distorted class outlook and interests, these major powers in the past used to regard the monarchy and the parliamentary forces as the so-called 'two pillars of stability', and they were seen working hard to bring about a grand alliance between the two against the revolutionary democratic forces. Now they seem to be increasingly veering round a 'three pillar' theory, including the revolutionary forces; which is, of course, a step forward. But the historical necessity and the new objective reality of the country is that the new 'two pillars' of parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces join hands to uproot the outdated and rotten third 'pillar' of monarchy. The CPN(Maoist) has already made a policy decision to this effect, which is reflected in the recent Anniversary statement issued by Chairman Com. Prachanda.
The Question of Democratic Republic
After the royal regression of February 1, there are seen some important developments in the internal political situation. Whereas earlier the national politics was divided into three streams of monarchy, parliamentary democracy and revolutionary people's democracy, now it is gradually getting polarized into two broad streams of monarchy and democracy. Particularly, the leaders, cadres and supporters of parliamentary democracy have now seen through the anti-democracy maneuvering and divide-and-rule policy of the monarchy in the past and their collective ire against the monarchy has sharpened more than ever before. Though there are sponsored public rallies and statements in favour of the autocratic monarchy on a daily basis, none of the known political parties or their leaders have openly endorsed the royal move so far. While the royal regime has laboured hard to propagate that the harsh autocratic measures are directed only against the 'terrorists' (i.e. Maoist revolutionaries), the people have increasingly realized that they are against all the democratic forces. Similarly, almost all the members of 'civil society', media persons, human rights organizations, professional organizations, etc. have openly come out against the royal coup. This is obviously a good sign for the future of democracy in the country.
However, it is a matter of serious concern that even after more than a mouth since the coup the democratic forces have not been able to come up with an effective & coordinated plan, programme or mechanism of resistance against the autocratic monarchy. The CPN (Maoist) attempted to provide initial tempo to the resistance movement by organizing a three-day 'Napal Bandh' (shut-down) and a fifteen-day transportation blockade in February, and is planning further mass-mobilization and military-action programmes in coming months. The parliamentary forces did organize some propaganda activities from India and symbolic public rallies within the country, and are planning peaceful mass-arrest programmes for the future. But the desired sharp attacks against the monarchy in a unified manner, firstly, amongst the parliamentary forces and, secondly, between the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces, has not materialized so far. Whereas the Nepali Congress has come out more sharply against the monarchy, the so-called 'leftist' UML has made a relatively muted response against the royal coup. This has naturally raised some apprehensions among the masses whether a new 'Rayamajhi' trend (i.e. the capitulation of the then general secretary of the CPN, Keshar Jang Rayamajhi, to the monarchy in the 1960s) is in the offing. However, after so much blood-bath the situation has undergone a sea change since then. Hence, even if a few Rayamajhis from the left camp and a few Tulsi Giris from the Nepali Congress camp may arise, the overwhelming majorities of the leaders & cadres of the political parties and the general masses of the people are likely to fight till the end against the autocratic monarchy. Moreover, with the presence of the revolutionary PLA to take on the monarchist RNA, and the more favourable international situation than ever to fight against the absolute monarchy, a new objective ground is prepared for the democratic political forces to mount a unified assault against the monarchy so as to sweep it away for ever.
Precisely in this context the question of anti-monarchy common minimum programme and slogan acceptable to all the democratic forces, including the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces and the international community, has become pertinent. It has been the considered view of the CPN(Maoist) that the programme of election to a representative Constituent Assembly and institutionalization of the democratic republic is best suited for the purpose. The old slogan of restoration of the parliament or re-activization and amendment of 1990 Constitution, advanced by the parliamentary forces and the international community, has been totally outdated and inadequate in the new context. A brief recapitulation of the incessant struggle between the monarchy and democracy since the 1950s in the country should leave no one in doubt that without the complete abolition of the archaic institution of feudal monarchy and its puppet RNA no form of democracy can be secure and institutional in Nepal. It has been proved time and again that the so-called 'constitutional monarchy' seen in operation in some of the highly developed capitalist countries cannot be replicated in a semi-feudal & semi-colonial society. Hence any attempt on the part of the parliamentary political parties and the international forces to preserve the thoroughly rotten and discredited institution of monarchy, in this or that pretext, does not correspond with the historical necessity and ground reality of balance of forces in the country, and the agenda of 'democratic republic' has entered the Nepalese politics.
As for as the sincere commitment of the revolutionary democratic forces, who aspire to reach socialism and communism via a new democratic republic, towards a bourgeois democratic republic is concerned, the CPN(Maoist) has time and again clarified its principled position towards the historical necessity of passing through a sub-stage of democratic republic in the specificities of Nepal. Particularly, in "An Executive Summary of the Proposal Put Forward by CPN(Maoist) for the Negotiations" presented during the negotiations in April 2003 [See, Some Important Documents of Communist Party of Nepal(Maoist), 2004] the minimum content and the process of realization of this democratic republic through a Constituent Assembly has been expressed in concrete terms. The fact that the democratic republic is envisaged to be institutionalized through a freely elected Constituent Assembly, should cast away any illusions about the democratic credentials of the revolutionary forces. Further concrete issues like the creation of a new national army after the dissolution of the royal mercenary RNA can be discussed during the process of negotiations.
The need of the hour is unity of all democratic forces of the country on the common minimum programme of a democratic republic. If anything is lacking so far it is the real democratic vision and will power on the part of the leadership of major political parties. Also, it is the time to win confidence of the masses of the people through a correct projection of the democratic credentials of political parties, and for this the correct practice of inner-party democracy would be a significant component.
In the end, it may be useful to recollect Engels to understand why a proletarian party needs to uphold the programme of a bourgeois republic in the particular historical specificities of a country like present-day Nepal. Lambasting the Bukuninist anarchists who had opposed the immediate programme of a republic in nineteenth-century Spain, Engels had said:
"When the Republic was proclaimed in February 1873, the Spanish members of the Alliance [i.e. Bakuninist 'International'] found themselves in a quandary. Spain is such a backward country industrially that there can be no question there of immediate complete emancipation of the working class. Spain will first have to pass through various preliminary stages of development and remove quite a number of obstacles from its path. The Republic offered a chance of going through these stages in the shortest possible time and quickly surmounting the obstacles. But this chance be taken only if the Spanish working class played an active political role." [From "The Bakuninists at Work"]
March 15, 2005.
We salute on behalf of the proletariat and the popular masses, youth and women, militants and revolutionary and anti imperialist forces in our country, the 9th anniversary of the glorious beginning of the people's war in Nepal guided by the CPN(M), that following the Prachanda Path is applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the concrete conditions of Nepal.The beginning of revolutionary war in Nepal, 9 years ago, has drawn, from the Andean to Himalaya, the red thread of retaking the people's war indicated by Mao Tsetung as a universal path valid in each country for overthrowing the imperialist system and for the advent on a world scale of socialism and communism.
The people's war in Nepal has displayed to the world that on the legs of people's wars goes the achievement of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and in particular of Maoism, and at the same time the achievement of the aggregation point of marxist-leninist-maoist parties and organizations of the world, that is the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement that has celebrated its 20th anniversary of its foundation.
The people's war in Nepal has shaken to its foundations not only the feudal regime of the Nepalese monarchy submitted to the imperialism, but the whole political and social contest of south Asia, triggering off and feeding the path of people's war in the whole area and the construction and development of Maoist, communist parties.
It's a heavy blow to imperialism that influences the world balance of forces between revolution and counterrevolution. Here is the striking affirmation that the principal contradiction in the world today is between imperialism and oppressed peoples, and that revolution is the main tendency in the world. And it is not only a blow given to imperialism. But first of all it is a deadly blow to revisionism and opportunism that in different ways and with different arguments support the parliamentarian and peaceful path,which, as always, serves only to accompany and strengthen the power of imperialism and of the reactionary regimes on proletarians and peoples.
We salute the strategic offensive, opened by the great blockade of Kathmandu of august 2004, that puts on the agenda the conquest of power on a national scale, for the creation of a new democracy, the Nepalese peoples republic, marching towards socialism.The strategic offensive of the people's war moves itself dialectically with the resistance of peoples, in particular in the area that today is the epicentre of world situation, the middle east, from Iraq to Palestine; and all together they demonstrate that it is not the imperialism that is on the offensive but, instead, the proletarians and the peoples. In the very heart of
imperialist countries, imperialism and its lackeys try to pass over in silence the advancing of the people's war in Nepal, so as they have already done, and continue, with the people's war in Peru and with every and each revolutionary struggle that marches on this path. They know very well that the revolutionary message coming from the peoples wars guided by Maoists serves and feeds the preparations and the beginning of peoples wars even in the very heart of the imperialist countries, first of all through the ideological and political nourishment that it gives to the constitution and construction of new Maoist, communist parties for peoples' war. This process finds in the Communist Maoist Party in Italy its banner, and its point of reference and perspective.
To celebrate the 9th anniversary of the people's war in Nepal, to support it in all forms, it means first of all and principally to make people's war, makerevolution in own country, focus attention and affirm the triumphant force of Maoism, uniting in the practice of revolution the two currents of the world proletarian revolution: the proletariat of the imperialist countries and the by imperialism oppressed peoples.
Revisionism and opportunism fight against this process, they work to divide and oppose the peoples wars, to separate authentic Maoist communist parties in both epicentres of revolution. Revisionism and opportunism, although if they hail solidarity to peoples' war, they does it to give a coating of Maoism to a line that negates the creative application in own country.
That march forward of the popular masses in Nepal, and within it, the enthusiastic advancing of the Nepalese women, is greeted in our country with different initiatives of proletarians, women, youth in person, who, there where our party is present, organize enthusiastic and struggling meetings, embodying the authentic spirit of proletarian internationalism, that is, the unity, the real embrace of proletarians and masses who are constructing, in the midst of struggles and peoples' war, a world without imperialism and exploitation, without wars and oppressions, a world of freedom and democracy of masses that embodies in a society that stays in the hands of the proletariat and in the communism.
The coup of the hated Nepalese king is only a sign of desperation, the attempt to invert the march of the history of Nepalese people and to call and accelerate the direct intervention of Yankee imperialism and Indian hegemonism. A desperate move that will accelerate its defeat. A call up to arms for the imperialism that throws back to itself because it appeals to mobilization and to support to the peoples' war the proletarians and the masses of the world.
That's what we do now, what we will do always more and to what we call parties and organizations of each orientation in our country and on a world scale.
LONG LIVE PEOPLES' WAR IN NEPAL!
LONG LIVE THE STRATEGIC OFFENSIVE OF PEOPLES' WAR TILL TO FINAL
VICTORY!
LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) AND PRACHANDA PATH AS
ITS GUIDE!
LONG LIVE UNITY BASED ON MAOISM OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST)
AND OF COMMUNIST MAOIST PARTY - ITALY!
LONG LIVE REVOLUTIONARY INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT!
LONG LIVE MAOISM, DOWN WITH REVISIONISM!
LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!
COMMUNIST MAOIST PARTY - ITALY
CENTRAL COMMITTEE
13.2.2005
No to Bush and Everything He Represents!
No Collusion with the Occupation - All Foreign Powers, Out of Iraq Now!
People of the World Unite to Stop the US-led Imperialist Offensive!
US President George Bush, is visiting Europe in an effort to justify his past crimes and recruit accomplices for the new crimes he is One of the greatest criminals in world history, planning to commit. Since September 11, 2001 under the cover of a so-called "war against terror" Bush has been leading the US and its allies in one of the bloodiest crusades of colonial conquest the world has ever seen. Bush has stated that this worldwide offensive will last "at least a generation". He has declared the US's right to wage "pre-emptive war" against any country in the world which does not bow down to its demands. And together with the leaders of all the world's big powers-including those who have refused up until now to openly join the invasion and occupation of Iraq-they have jointly declared a new world order in which no 3rd world country has any right to national sovereignty whatsoever. So that today, not just US and British, but also thousands of German, French, Spanish, Italian, Dutch and other soldiers are occupying over a dozen countries around the world. The result of this offensive has been untold destruction and death.
In Afghanistan tens of thousands died as the US together with all the European big powers invaded the country and put drug-dealing warlords and mullahs in power, replacing the reactionary Taliban with a new puppet regime under their direct control. The main difference being that this new regime has Western trained spokespeople who mouth empty phrases about "democracy" to the media in an effort to disguise the true medieval character of their despotic Islamic rule.
After a decade Iraq of UN sanctions against Iraq killed over 500,000 innocent people-mainly children-the same "lies of mass destruction" that where used to excuse this crime where re-cycled to justify the invasion and occupation that country. This has resulted in the death of over 100,000 additional civilians, not to mention the thousands of Iraqi soldiers, resistance fighters and other soldiers who have died. Now a phoney election, carried out under the conditions of occupation and war has been declared a "victory for democracy" and "proof" of the justness of the US-led invasion and occupation. An election in which for "security reasons" the names of most of the candidates where kept secret and where the destruction of the city of Falluja and the massacre of hundreds or even thousands of its residents and resistance fighters was the single most important "campaign event" is portrayed as a vision for the future.
This is a "vision of democracy" in which Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo are just the tip of the iceberg of a whole network of secret CIA prisons that have been set up around the world. In this "democratic" gulag prisoners disappear into torture chambers without a trace, many never to be heard from again. As in always the case, aggression abroad must be accompanied by repression at home. The Bush regime has launched an all out assault on the basic rights of the people in the US. It has declared that in this era of "unlimited and unending war" practically all forms of protest and resistance are a "security threat" or even "support for terrorism". The regime in Washington has proclaimed that Emperor Bush has the power to alone declare anyone in the US-or any other person anywhere in the world-to be an "enemy combatant" who is to be locked away with no rights of appeal for as long as Emperor Bush determines, or even killed if capture is not "practical".
To top it all off, Bush has stated that it is "God's will" that he is President and that there is no higher law than the Bible. He and the other Christian fundamentalists who make up his regime and social base have not only declared it to be their "holy right" to rule over the world, but that is "sinful" for the government to provide basic services like health care, housing, and pensions. These obscurantist Christian mullahs are systematically preparing to institute an openly fascistic theocratic regime in the US. And their leader-mad dog Bush Jr.-is being welcomed with honour and open arms by governments and heads of state throughout Europe who are loudly declaring how they share "common ideals and values" with this reactionary criminal and the whole system of exploitation and oppression that he represents.
Of course on this last point they are completely right. Even while they do not accept the US's vision of a unipolar world and are locked in an increasingly deadly competition with the US for their "fair share" of empire, they do completely agree with Bush that the world's big imperialist powers have the "right" to rule over the vast majority of the world's people as well as their own "subjects" at home. All their talk of a "new chapter of trans-atlantic co-operation" cannot change the fact that they are desparately manuvering and scheming over if, or under what conditions, Iran, Syria, North Korea or some other potential victim should be the next target of attack and/or invasion. At the same time they have all either openly, or on the sly, assisted the US-led offensive around the world and have eagerly copied the Bush regime in limiting and even eliminating the people's political rights at home. In every country in Europe all kinds of protest and resistance have now been criminalized and branded as acts of "terrorism". The EU countries have joined with the US in declaring practically all the movements of resistance and liberation around the world to be terrorist. The most blatant current example being their continuing joint support-including massive military aid-for King Gyanendra of Nepal who just a few weeks ago instituted martial law in that country in an effort to re-establish an absolute monarchy and defeat the revolution there that has already liberated 80% of Nepal's people and territory from the grip of feudal oppression.
While Europe's leaders welcome and even share George Bush's Orwellian world in which invasion is liberation, occupation is freedom, torture is democracy and war is peace-we the people in Europe must unite to deliver a completely different message. Everywhere where George Bush and his hosts dare to show their faces thousands of us must take to the streets determined to fight for a completely different future than the one this system has in store for us and united in saying "No To Bush and Everything He Represents!"
North, South, East and West: Unite the People's Struggles!
POC (Europe)
World People's Resistance Movement
Email: wprm@wprm.org Local contact:
WWW.WPRM.ORG
AGAINST IMPERIALISM, FEUDALISM, FACSISM, COMPRADOR-CAPITALISM AND ALL REACTIONIONARIES