Posted by: Nepe December 19, 2007
मधेस र तराईका नेताहरु मन्त्री, संसद र पार्टी परित्याग
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could shook all of us to the core and the same abortion doctors

started to become the nurturing nurses for the baby progressive laws.

 

I do not know how many of us have followed the amazingly bumpy road

the "equal property right" to women of Nepal had to pass thorough. But

it is really so much telling about the socio-political dynamics of

Nepal.

 

It formally started from a writ petition to the Supreme Court in 1993

followed by massive and vibrant civil debate over the years that

produced a lot of woman right activists and some celebrities too and I

also think set a tone of future civil movements in a democratic Nepal

because it was a first of it's kind and it was really civil and it was

wide spread reaching really to the grass root level.

 

Anyway, the public debate and activism had finally produced a fine

product in a form of a bill at the parliament, which was, to every

progressive people's great disappointment, killed by Nepali Congress

lawmakers (with a provision for woman to return the inherited property

when she marries !). It happened in 2002.

 

An, I would call, ironical twist happed during the active rule of

Gyanendra. The Supreme Court essentially re-opened the case. A

progressive step brought basically to impress all  when our judges

thought Gyanedra is a real thing, if you know what I mean. Anyway,

nothing much happened as you know how things were then.

 

The saga ended last year in September- with 11th amend to the Mooluki

[Ain] unanimously supported by all lawmakers including Nepali Congress, that

finally finally gave equal property right and many other rights to

Nepali women in no-nonsense term.

 

Put the saga of this property right and political changes in Nepal

side by side and draw your own conclusion.

 

Now, I would like to make some speculation regarding the thought

process for Nepali Congress lawmakers during what they did in 2002 and

2006 to relate to my earlier discussion on the conservative and

progressive mindsets.

 

Briefly, I think, Nepali Congress lawmakers were more concerned about

preserving traditional family "fabric" and "semblance" without much

concern for gender inequality. Although the public awareness for

gender equality was increasing (thanks to the civil societies in the

cities and the Maoists in the villages), they were not feeling enough

heat. Next fives years of political upheaval including Jana-Andolan

and Maoist's entrance in power has changed all that. Now they are

either feeling helplessness (if their thinking has not changed) or

really starting to see that Nepali society has really come a long way

to be able to integrate the new culture of gender equality.

 

This is all for now from me.

 

I hope I have explained AAji's query to my best ability and I

also hope that I have somehow somewhere inspired some of you to see

what is happening in Nepal from a broader perspective than  a daily

dose of Maoist-bashing by a few members of this forum.

 

Astoo

 

Deepak Khadka

 

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