Posted by: Nepe January 16, 2007
Report card on our leaders
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Two daring report cards on our political leaders, an old one by Swarnim Wagle (Nation Weekly, 23 May 2004), a good friend of mine and also, if the new generation of Sajha aren't aware, arguably one of the most influential and the most popular Sajhaites of yesteryears, and a new report card by Sarojraj Adhikary (Nepal Weekly, 23 May 2007), for your reading pleasure. (1) Nation Vol. 1 No. 5 (23 May 2004) LEADERS CLASSIFIED Swarnim Wagle - http://www.thdl.org/texts/reprints/nation/Nation_005.pdf (2) Nepal National Weekly, Sunday, 14 Jan, 2007 (पौष ३० २०६३) यस्ता छन् हाम्रा "भाग्य विधाताहरू" सरोजराज अधिकारी - http://www.kantipuronline.com/Nepal/aabaran.php ************* *************** Nation Vol. 1 No. 5 23 May 2004 LEADERS CLASSIFIED Swarnim Wagle [ Public intellectuals with formidable mass support, charismatic and incorruptible: these are the progressives who are as much at ease in the fishing villages of Saptari as when sharing lobster meals with statesmen in Oslo. This league of leaders, epitomized by BP Koirala, could have included more. The leaders who come close are Madan Bandari, Subarna Shumsher and Ganeshman Singh. ] Whoever the new Prime Minister, the rot in governance appears so grim that any immediate difference in quality will be marginal. But that’s less of a point. A larger issue today is about creating and nurturing real people’s rule in a peaceful Nepal; ensuring that ordinary folks from Rautahat and Dadeldhura get to rise, fall or stagnate in public life, and govern only with the mandate of those being governed. This is how it was supposed to be since 1952, when Matrika Koirala, born intoprivilege, but not nobility, became the Prime Minister. Although the idea of thrusting leadership upon men (rarely women) by the accident of birth is dated, there has still not been a conclusive resolution of this issue in Nepal. Benignly interpreted, events in 1990 and after, including the recent five-party posturing, have been about getting closer to such a resolution. How, then, are our“people’s rulers?” What are their defining characteristics? Can this stock teach anything useful to future leadership? Or, are we doomed like the Nepali proverb: joon jogi aaye pani kanai chireko (all fakirs have their ears pierced)? Here’s a citizen’s report card: Grade C (4 out of 10): Leaders in this grade were in office, but never really in power. Their authority was derived from the Palace, which has run the kingdom for 40 of the past 54 years. Type I—Matrika Koirala, Tanka Acharya, Kirti Nidhi Bista, Lokendra Bahadur Chand—were decent people. But they were picked for being weak and loyal, to maintain the status quo, which they did to the best of their ability under their patron’s shadow. The Type II—Tulsi Giri, Surya Bahadur Thapa, Marichman Shrestha—were stronger, but less honest. Zealous in their pursuit of protecting their regime at any cost, they compromised on principles and dived deep into the murky waters of realpolitik. How would the unsullied Giris and the Thapas of the 1950s have evolved if they hadn’t joined the Panchayat? The problem in politics is we can rarely resort to counterfactual logic. Grades B (6 out of 10): These leaders resent the Palace’s hold on to absolute power, and have fought to transfer sovereignty from the crown to the people. Better democrats in theory than in practice, they nonetheless fight elections, mingle with the masses, and claim to represent their interests best. While they erred gravely when they had their chance in the 90s, their badge of honor remains their willingness to subject themselves to constant voter scrutiny and battering. As the King’s experiments of the past two years showed, the technically competent or the morally upright can be handpicked, but without a popular base to land on, they are like hot air balloons at the mercy of the slightest gust of wind. Type I leaders of Grade B had integrity and intellect, and they compensated their lack of mass-appeal with strength of character. Manmohan Adhikari and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai belonged to this group. Ramchandra Poudel would like to be an heir of this pedigree. Notwithstanding a series of misjudgments that his peers say has cost him credibility, there used to be a time when Taranath Ranabhatt was also one of them. With limited support among cadres though, the elevation of Type I to the top is always conditional on their shaky dependence on the Type II and the Type III. This is where it gets dodgy. The Type II are people like Sher Bahadur Deuba and Madhav Nepal who c o m m a n d popular constituencies, are educated and exposed to the o u t s i d e world—but are ultimately mediocre in the art of wholesome leadership. Kunwar Indrajit Singh would have belonged to this group, and so does Pashupati SJB Rana. The Type III, strong and resolute, too, lead constituencies that are forces to be reckoned with, but they are less worldly—a handicap if and when they actually make it to the top. Also vulnerable to venal, damaging blunders, Type B-III is best resembled by Girija Prasad Koirala. Possibly, Bamdev Gautam and Khadga Oli are lesser approximates. Grade F (2 out of 10). This is a depressing wasteland. Populated by the occasionally brilliant, leaders here are voluntary exiles in cloud-cuckoo-lands. They sulk all the time, and relish being counter productive. At the better end of this grade are assorted Puritans like Shailaja Acharya, Mohan Bikram Singh, and Rajeshwore Devkota whose outbursts are fun to watch, but practically worthless. On the left end of the spectrum are the violent types like Pushpa Kamal Dahal. They evoke anger and despair in people who would like to see them do better. Grade A (8 out of 10). Public intellectuals with formidable mass support, charismatic and incorruptible, these are the progressives who are as much at ease in the fishing villages of Saptari as when sharing lobster meals with statesmen in Oslo. Epitomized by Bishweshor Prasad Koirala, Madan Bhandari could very well have made it if death hadn’t intervened. Subarna Shumsher and Ganeshman Singh almost make it to this league, the latter for his courage and sheer sense of purpose. Miracles rarely happen—emergence of national saviors in shining armor breezing through Putali Sadak isas illusory as the sighting of the Yeti. But we can create systems that help today’s student leaders, who in all likelihood will grow to occupy major public offices tomorrow, become more effective players. Largely non-Kathmandu males from caste, as well as ethnic, middle-income groups, educated in public colleges, these young leaders already resemble their Grade B siblings. Our civil society’s hope and duty are to help them graduate from Grade B to Grade A, nudge them through sustained pressure to avoid unlawful trappings of public office like corruption and patronage. This stain avoided, there are many good elements they could pick from each of our past leaders. Like dining table etiquette and good reading habits, some worldliness can always be acquired. What seldom works, however, is the edict: “Thou Shalt Behave Better.” Our new leaders will thus need the integrity to design party rules, constitutional limits, and legal codes for institutional checkand- balance to self-police their errant discretions. The Bhaktapur leader Narayan Man Bijukchhe once remarked after seeing idealists of the 80s easily turn corrupt in the 90s: “We used to be honest, but it seems, that was only because we didn’t have opportunities to be dishonest.” Let us not hope that today’s grandkid politicos will be better than their grandpas. Let us—the clichéd civil society—help ensure they are. ************** ****************** यस्ता छन् हाम्रा "भाग्य विधाताहरू" सरोजराज अधिकारी [ नयाँ नेपालका निर्माताहरुप्रति आश्वस्त हुन त सकिन्छ तर पूर्ण रुपमा विश्वस्त हुन भने सकिँदैन ] माघ १ गते सोमबार अन्तरमि संविधान जारी हुनासाथ मुलुक अन्तरमि अवस्थामा प्रवेश गर्नेछ, जसबाट नयाँ नेपाल निर्माणको प्रक्रिया विधिवत् रूपमा अगाडि बढ्ने विश्वास गरएिको छ । राज्य संरचना परविर्तनका लागि आठ राजनीतिक दलको नेतृत्व र जनताको अभूतपूर्व सहभागितामा सम्पन्न जनआन्दोलन-२ को 'म्यान्डेट' अनुरूप विद्रोही माओवादीसमेत राज्य सञ्चालन र पुनःसंरचनाका लागि अन्तरमि व्यवस्थामा सहभागी हुनासाथ नयाँ नेपाल निर्माणको जग खन्ने कामको थालनी हुने आशा राखिएको छ । (contd)
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