Dear sons and daughters of Nepal,

We do not really know what the situation is like in our country. We have heard more rumours and less facts; and we have made our own judgement based on those rumours. Our opinions have been divided into almost two halves. One half supporting the King's move and the other half opposing the action. Almost all of us who are fortunate enough to live in the west at this torrid time are capable to think sensibly on this issue.So lets contemplate with the love for the country and citizens in mind now.

Some of us may have been victims of atrocities committed by the Maoists. Some may have suffered because of the corrupted political leaders. And some of us may have been the victim of injustice in the Panchayat era and at present. So we are expressing our vengeance against those who have made us to suffer. And therefore we are divided. The citizens who are educated, who have seen how democray functions, who know the fruits of social justice in a developed society; we are divided. And this is not a good sign for the future. Tommorow, we have to take the burden of Nepal in our shoulders. We have to hand the nation to our next generation. We have to make sure that we can hand over a peaceful and prosperous nation to our children and die. Otherwise we are not different to the previous generation which never got the oppurtunity like us to see the democracy and prosperity of the western world. Our children will blame us if we fail to do better things for our country.So let's try to be impartial, let's forget our personal interest, let's put away our vengeance against both sides of the debate.With a cool mind let's discuss what can we do at best to resolve the current crisis from our part. I will try to give my assement in the next thread on what can we expect in the near future and what is best for the country in the coming days. Please put your thoughts, unbiased and pragmatic, without spilling your anguish and hatred to all the sides- political parties, monarchy and maoists.I hope all of you will take part in this debate very seriously.
Newuser.

Dear Newuser,

As an International Politics' student, I read your analysis very interestingly but from the outset, I am now convienced that you are a MANDALE (I hope you know what I mean).
You'd better read this by Dr. Baburam Bhattrai as well because I think there are some good facts and critical analysis of the Nepali politics as well. The link is:
http://www.nepalipost.com/ under 'Chautari'.

I understand you are more inclined to the Monarchy and his aaure, chaure which are the real problem of the country and its people.

''I am now convienced that you are a MANDALE (I hope you know what I mean)''.

I couldn't help laughing to see some one making such a conviction on me. Ehhh hhe he he he he. he he he he he he he he.
I didn't really understand if this was a joke or some top quality sarcasm. But could you explain me please.

Just to let you know if you made this allegation after reading the article on the word- mandale. That was not written by me. That was a copy and paste business. I did it because some of the Sajhaites felt sad about the use of that word.

But if you have termed me by that name, I must say you didn't read what I have been writing for almost 2 months or so.

Are you really an IR student or have you read my analysis before making such a hilarious judgement. I hope Kusum Baba replies.

Ki Tapai malai pani deshi ko ethartha dharatal lai samanya aankha le nabhai maobadi ko 'utopian ' chasmale herr bhanna khojnu bhaho???

A fork on the road to Afghanistan. This news asserts that the road taking the nation to Afghanistan is being choosed by the monarch.
- http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4360019.stm

माओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डलाई खुल्लापत्र
न्युयुजर

?प्रिय प्रचण्डजी,
तपाइ नेपालमा पारम्परिक सैनिक शक्तिको केन्द्र दरबारलाई पराजित गरि जनवादी शासन स्थापना गर्ने अभिष्ट लिएर दशौं हजार युवाहरुलाई सशस्त्र युद्धका लागि परिचालित गरिरहेको पार्टी नेकपा माओवादीका शक्तिसाली अध्यक्ष तथा तपाईंहरुकै शब्दमा जनमुक्ति सेनाका कमाण्डर पनि हुनुहन्छ। तपाईंको नेतृत्वमा माओवादी विद्रोहीहरुले विगत एक दशकमा नेपालको मूख्यतया प्रहरी र केहि हदसम्म सैन्यबललाई पनि कतिपय युद्धमोर्चाहरुमा पराजित गरि केहि सैन्य सफलता हाशिल गरेकाले तपाईंहरुको पार्टी हाल नेपालको एउटा उल्लेख्य शक्तिका रुपमा राष्ट्रिय र अन्तराष्ट्रिय रुपमा परिचित भएको छ भन्ने तथ्यलाई नकार्न सकिदैन। विगतमा तपाईहरुले युद्धमैदानमा हाशिल गरेको सफलतालाई नै आधार वनाएर माओवादी विद्रोहीहरुले अनेकौ पटक देखाएका आतंकवादी चरित्रहरुका वावजूद उनिहरु देशको एउटा राजनीतिक शक्ति हुन् र उनिहरुलाई राजनीतिको मूलधारमा सुरक्षित रुपमा अवतरण गर्न दिइनुपर्छ भन्ने मान्यता मुलुकको विद्वत बर्ग र नागरिक समाजले राखेको हो। सदरमुकाम केन्द्रित सरकारी सुरक्षा संयन्त्र माथी बेलाबेलामा धावा बोली उनिहरुको अखडा केहि घण्टासम्म कब्जामा लिन सक्नु, धेरै हताहति निम्त्याउन सक्नु र हतियार लुट्न सक्नुलाई नै तपाईहरुले जनयुद्धको सफलताका रुपमा लिइरहनु भएको छ भन्नेकुरा तपाईहरु स्वयंबाट बेलाबेलामा आइरहेका वक्तव्य र प्रचारबाजीबाट बुझ्न सकिन्छ। यद्यपि तपाईहरुको जनमुक्ति सेनाले निरन्तर रुपमा सरकारी सेनामाथी ठूलो स्तरका हमलाहरु गर्न नसक्नु, सेनालाई पराजित गरेका स्थानहरुमा दीर्घकालिन उपस्थिति जनाउन नसक्नु र थोरै संख्यामा तर नियमित तवरले तपाईका लडाकूहरु सरकारी सेनाबाट मारिइरहनु पनि सिक्काको अर्को पाटोबाट देखिरहेको अर्को यथार्थता हो। दश वर्षको अवधिमा प्राप्त सफलताका कारण तपाईहरु सवै या तपाईंहरु मध्ये केहिलाई यहि जनयुद्धलाई निरन्तरता दिएर नेपालको केन्द्रिय शासन सत्ता हत्याउन सकिन्छ भन्ने आशा जागृत भएकोह हुनसक्छ। एक्लै सत्ता कब्जा गर्न सकेमा हामीले चाहेकै ढंगले शासन चलाउन सक्छौं भन्ने महत्वाकांक्षा पनि तपाईहरुमा नरहेकोहोला भन्न सकिन्न। आशा गर्नु र महत्वाकांक्षा राख्?नु अवश्य पनि नराम्रो होइन तर त्यो कतिसम्म प्राप्य होला भन्ने कुरा पनि विचारणिय हुन्छ। देशको वास्तविकता र अन्तराष्ट्रिय राजनीतिक परदृश्यलाई पनि विश्लेषण गर्दा र तपाईहरुको सैनिक सफलतालाई बिचार गर्दा के कुरामा प्रष्ट हुन सकिन्छ भने माओवादी एक्लैले नेपालमा पारम्परिक राजतन्त्रलाई पराजित गरि जनवादी सत्ता लागु गर्न कम्तिमा अबको आधा शताव्दि सम्ममा पनि सम्भव र ग्राह्य देखिदैन। बरु तपाईका अल्पमत पक्षका नेता वावुराम भट्टराईले भनेझै प्रजातान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र स्थापनाको लक्ष्य प्राप्त गर्न राजतन्त्रको आवश्यकता नदेख्?ने सवै शक्तिहरुसंग सहकार्य गर्नु तपाईंहरुका लागि हितकर ठहरिनेछ। नेपालमा अहिले राजतन्त्रको निरन्तरतालाई आवश्यक नठान्ने मानिसहरुको संख्या बढ्दै गइरेकोछ र सम्भवत यो जनमतनै देशको निर्णायक मत हो भन्ने अनुमान असान्दभिर्क नरहला। तर देशमा कम्युनिष्ट गणतन्त्रको स्थापनालाई मान्न तयार जनमत बन्ने सम्भावना बदलिदो विश्व परिस्थितिका कारण क्रमश क्षिण वन्दै गइरहेको यथार्थलाई तपाइजस्तो राजनीतिको कुशल खेलाडी र सफल संगठकले आत्मसात गर्नेपर्ने हो। यदि लक्ष्य प्राप्ति कठिन मात्र नभै असम्भव देखिन्छ भने आफ्नो सामर्थ्य त्यसमा खर्चनुको औचित्य रहन्न। त्यस स्थितिमा लक्ष्यलाई व्यवहारिकता प्रदान गर्न आफ्ना अवोधगम्य हठहरुलाई परित्याग गरि यथार्थपरक र वस्तुनिष्ठ उद्येश्य तय गर्नुपर्छ।त्यसकारण यदि तपाईंको पार्टी साच्चैनै देशलाई व्यवहारिक परिवर्तन दिन चाहन्छ भने जनवादी गणतन्त्रको स्वप्निल लक्ष्यलाई पछाडी छाडेर राजाको सम्वैधानिक सर्वोच्चतालाई अस्विकार गर्ने शक्ति तथा जनसमुदायसंग सहकार्य गरि प्रजातान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको सम्भव लक्ष्य निर्दिष्ट गर्नु तपाईहरुको राजनीतिक सुझबुझ हुनेछ। यो लक्ष्य प्राप्त गर्न शुरुमा दरबारसंग मध्यमार्गी सम्झौता गरेपनि खासै घाटा नलाग्ने कुरा राजतन्त्रको बढ्दो अलोकप्रियतासंग गासेर हेर्न सकिने रणनीतिक चातुर्य हो। यसबाट एकातिर देशमा हिंशा र रक्तपातको जोखिम पनि घट्नेछ भने अर्कोतर्फ राजतन्त्रको सान्दर्भिकता नदेख्?ने तर शान्तिपुर्वक त्यस्तो संक्रमण भएको हेर्न चाहने उदार गणतन्त्रादीहरुको समर्थन हाशिल गर्न पनि सकिनेछ। अन्यथा एक्लै शाही नेपाली सेनालाई परास्त गरि राजतन्त्र उखलेर नेपालमा कम्युनिष्ट गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्न र अन्तराष्ट्यि जगतबाट एक्लिएर त्यसलाई निरन्तरता दिन सकिन्छ भन्ने हठ माअनोवादी नेतृत्वले लिइरह्यो भने तपाइहरुको राजनीतिक जीवन त्यसै खेर जानेछ। अनि देश पनि बाह्य शक्तिकेन्द्र र स्वदेशी सामन्तहरुको पंजामा अझ कडा रुपमा जकडिनेछ र तपाहरुले अहिलेसम्म जोडेको शक्ति पनि क्रमश कमजोर हुदै तहसनहस हुनपुग्नेछ। । तसर्थ तपाईंहरु वास्तवमै देशलाई ठोस राजनीतिक परिवर्तन? दिन चाहनुहुन्छ भने जनवादी गणतन्त्रको रुमानी कल्पनालाई छाडेर समस्त गणतन्त्रवादी सोच राख्?ने जनसमुदायहरुसंग सहकार्य गर्ने औपचारिक घोषणा गर्नुहोस। देशमा हत्या हिंशा बढाउने भन्दा पनि आफ्ना लडाकु र कार्यकर्ताहरुलाई प्रजातान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको सान्दर्भिकताको व्यापक प्रचार प्रसार गर्न लगाउने र नेतृत्व तहले तानाशाही राजतन्त्रको विरोध गर्ने सबै राजनीतिक शक्तिहरुलाई त्यस उपलब्धिका लागि संयुक्त आन्दोलनमा उत्रिन आव्हान गर्ने पहिलो कदम छिटो भन्दा छिटो चाल्नु मनासिव हुनेछ। तपाईहरुको सवभन्दा पहिलो काम आम जनसमुदायलाई आफूहरु आतंकवादी र उग्र कम्यूनिष्ट दुवै हाइनौ र हामी नेपालमा सामन्ति राजतन्त्रलाई तह लगाएर जनतालाई सत्ताको सर्बोच्च मालिक वनाउनका निम्ति लड्दैछौं भन्ने विश्वास जगाउनु हुनुपर्नेछ। हैन भने समयको प्रवाहले तपाईंहरुको अहिले सम्म आर्जित शक्तिलाई बगाएर निष्प्राण तुल्याई नदिकिनारको बगरमा हुत्यादिनेछ। समयको यथार्थपरक मागलाई बेवास्ता गर्ने भूल क्षणिक युद्ध उन्मादलाई आधार बनाएर कायम नराख्?न माओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डलाई एक शान्ति, न्याय र स्वतन्त्रता प्रेमी तर अराजनीतिक नेपाली नागरिकका हैसियतले मैले आव्हान गर्नुपरेको छ।

To be contd.

प्रचण्डजी,
माओवादी आन्दोलनमा प्रत्यक्ष सहभागिता नजनाइरहेको नेपाली जनमानसले तपाईंहरुको कृयाकलाप प्रति कस्तो दृष्टिकोण राख्छ भन्ने कुरा तर्फ तपाईंहरुले खासै ध्यान नदिने गरेको पाइएपनि जनयुद्धलाई समर्थन नगर्ने जनमतले देशको जनसंख्याको ठूलो हिस्सा आगट्ने भएकाले त्यसतर्फ विचार पु-याउनु बुद्धिमतापूर्ण हुनेछ। दीर्घकालिन रुपमा देशको शासन गर्न चाहने राजनीतिक संगठनले बहसंख्यामा रहेको राजनीतिक ?अभिमतलाई दमन गरेर सत्तामा टिकिरहन सक्दैन भन्ने तथ्यलाई तपाईहरुले बुझ्नुपर्ने हुन्छ। त्यसमाथी विश्व कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनले आफ्नो लोकप्रियता गुमाउदै गइरहेको, धेरै देशहरुमा कम्युनिष्ट शासन पतन भैसकेको र चीन जस्ता कम्युनिष्ट राष्ट्रले पनि कट्टर साम्यवादी राजनीतिक प्रणालीमा आमुल सुधार गर्दै पुजिवादी शैलिको आर्थिक तथा औद्योगिक नीतिको अवलम्वन गरेर सफलताको सिंढी उक्लिरहेको देख्दादेख्दै यो वास्तविकता प्रति आँखा? चिम्लिएर माओवाद, मार्क्सवाद,लेनिनवादको अन्धभक्तिमा लिन भैरहदा राजनीतिक खेलमा पराजित हुने खतरा बढ्दै जान्छ। नेपालको भूराजनीतिक यथार्थता, छिमेकी चीनले दरबारलाई दिईरहेको विश्वास, उदार पुजिवादी प्रजातन्त्र भएका राष्ट्रहरुको समृ?द्धि र साम्यवाद लागुरहेका उत्तरकोरिया जस्ता राष्ट्रका जनताको जीवनस्तरमा देखापरेको संकट आदि परिवेशहरुलाई केलाउदा तपाईहरु कथं कदाचित विजयी भइहाल्नु भएछ भने पनि नेपालको स्थितिमा सुधार गर्नुको साटो झन खराब
तुल्याउने कुरा छर्लङ्ग छ। अहिले तपाईंहरुको पार्टी बैचारिक आधारमा भन्दा सैनिक सामर्थ्यका आधारमा चलिरहेको निर्विवाद छ। कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनमा सैन्यवाद हावी हुनु कुनै नौलो कुरा नभएपनि बैचारिक मन्थनलाई पूर्णतया दरकिनार गर्नु सर्बथा अनुचित सिद्धहुनेछ। तसर्थ तपाईंहरुले एकछिन पार्टीको सैद्धान्तिक विभागमा देखिएका कमिकमजोरी र असान्दर्भिकतालाई पुनरावलोकन गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ।
यसका लागि प्रथमत एक्लो सशस्त्र क्रान्तिद्वारा नेपालमा परम्परागत राजतन्त्रको जरा उखेल्न सकिन्छ भन्ने विश्लेषणलाई परित्याग गर्नुपर्छ। यसका साथै उदार पुजिवादी प्रजातन्त्रको सफलतालाई उपेक्षा गरेर पूर्णतया साम्यवादी गणतन्त्र स्थापित गरि शासन चलाउन सकिन्छ भन्ने मनगढन्त सोंचलाई पनि परिमार्जन गर्नुपर्छ। नेपालको राजनीतिक , सामाजीक प्रगतिमा पारम्परिक राजतन्त्र एउटा वाधक हो र कि त यसले आफूमा वास्तविक सुधार गरेर सर्वसाधारणकै जीवनशैलि अपनाउन सिक्नुपर्छ कि त यसलाई सदाका लागि समाप्त गरिनुपर्छ भन्ने दृष्टिकोण क्रमश बलियो हुदै गइरहेको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा अब माओवादीहरुले आफ्नो लक्ष्य जनवाद नभएर प्रजातान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र हो भन्ने घोषणा ग-यो भने माओवादी आन्दोलनले अपेक्षाकृत सफलता प्राप्त गर्न सक्ला कि भनेर अपेक्षा गर्न सकिन्छ। यद्यपी यो लक्ष्यपनि तत्कालका लागि त्यति सहज देखिन्न, अपितु यो बाटोले दीर्घकालमा आफ्नो गन्तव्य पहिल्याउने सम्भावना प्रसस्त छ।
To be contd...
Dear Sajhaites, I am doubtful about the prospect of Prachanda reading my opinions. But, some maoists activist or sympathisers must be reading this. As well as some of you. Please comment although some of you may find me boring.

For peace and stability in Nepal, Maoists must join the political process. We should offer them a suitable platform in which they can envisage their own political ambition of achieving a republic state. Acheivement depends on how they can function and popularize their political line as well as how the monarchy behaves. But atleast, they should be given a chance to exercise their political religion in the national process so that a) Violence ends
b) Violence ends and
c) violence ends.
In the mean time, Maoists must give up their inconceivable dream of achieving a communist republic. All odds are against their current strategy. So, it's time to compromise. Let maoists be assured that they can long for democratic republicanism in the existing political mechanism and let monarchy be assured that their existence is unshakable as long as the majority of the public are in their favour. But in order to bring the rebels back from the jungle, let them be assured that they can try their luck peacefully. THERE IS NO NEED TO FIGHT.

नेपालीकै रगतले नेपाल रगताम्य
-कविवर माधव प्रसाद घिमिरे

नेपालीकै रगतले नेपाल रगताम्य
यो हत्या र पागलपन कहिले होला साम्य ?
किन पागल वनिरहेछ आज वीर जाति
खाँडो जगाइ हानिरहेछ आफ्नै शीर माथि
आज हत्या यसको भए, भोली हत्या उसको
पर्सी हत्या कसको होला? पर्सी हत्या देशको ।
नेपालीकै रगतले नेपाल रगताम्य
यो हत्या र पागलपन कहिले होला साम्य ?
आज हत्या यसको भए, भोली हत्या उसको
पर्सी हत्या कसको होला? पर्सी हत्या देशको ।
-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

हाम्रो वुद्धि कहिलो आउला साथीहरु ??

GYANENDRA MAHARAJ,
Beware of news such as this one. These days, it's not too difficult to topple autocratic regimes. Don't provoke the concious citizens or monarchy will be a part of the history.

- http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/4380899.stm

Newuser:

Enjoyed Khagendra Sangraula's article, it is great. Just love the way he writes, isn't it authentic???

But then rest of the things i did not understand?? Goes over my brains at time

?k|r08 / xfd|f]aLrdf s'g} JolQmut s6'tf=====?

afa'/fd e?/fO{ tyf lxl;nf odL
dfr{ @$, @))%

s]xL ;do otf xfd|f] kf6L{sf] cfGtl/s hLjgsf sltko kIfx?nfO{ lnP/ ljleGg ;+rf/dfWodx?df eO/x]sf 6Lsfl6Kk0fLx? / zfxL kmf;LjfbL ;Qfn] ul//x]sf b':k|rf/x?af6 cfd kf6L{ k+lQm / hg;d'bfodf kg{;Sg] e|dnfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ of] k|]; jQmJo hf/L ul/Psf] 5 .
!_ cGt/lj/f]wnfO{ a|Dxf08sf ;a} j:t'x?sf] ljsf;sf] cfwf/e"t lgod dfGg] dfcf]jfbL bz{gdf cfwfl/t xfd|f] h:tf] qmflGtsf/L ;j{xf/fjfbL kf6L{df hgqmflGtsf] ljsf; ;+Fu;Fu} k|s6 eO/xg] gofF-gofF cGt/lj/f]wx?nfO{ xn ug{ l;4fGtlgi7 ;+3if{ rNg' s'g} gofF / cgf}7f] s'/f xf]Og . ljut ztfAbLsf eLif0f qmflGt / k|ltqmflGtsf cg'ejx? / ljz]iftM sd/]8 :6flngsf] kfnfdf kf6L{leq / aflx/sf cGt/lj/f]wx?nfO{ xn ug{] ;Gbe{df b]vfk/]sf sldsdhf]/Lx?af6 ;d]t l;Sb} xfd|f] kf6L{n] d'VotM @)%& kmfu'gdf ;DkGg P]ltxfl;s bf];|f] /fli6"o ;Dd]ng / @)^) h]7df kfl/t ?PSsfO;f}+ ztfAbLdf hgjfbsf] ljsf;af/]? k|:tfjdfkm{t\ ;j{xf/f clwgfosTj / hgjfbsf] cEof; ;DaGwL s]xL b"/ufdL dxTjsf k|:tfjgfx? cl3 ;f/]sf] ;a}nfO{ ljlbt} 5 . o;/L dxfg\ n]lgg?f/f k|ltkflbt ?cleJolQmsf] :jtGqtf / sfd sfjf{xLdf Ps?ktf?sf] ;j{xf/fjfbL ;+u7gfTds l;4fGtsf] k|of]udf obfsbf b]vfk/]sf bflxg] tyf b]j|] ljs[lt / lj;+ultx?nfO{ x6fpFb}+ tyf dxfg\ ;j{xf/f ;fF:s[lts qmflGtsf kl5Nnf] cg'ejx?nfO{ ;d]t dWogh/ ub{} To;nfO{ cem} ljsl;t / kl/dflh{t ug{] k|oTg klg xfd|f] kf6L{n] ul//x]sf] 5 . xfn} bzf}+ jif{df k|j]z u/]sf] xfd|f] dxfg\ hgo'4sf] prfOaf6 dfS;{jfb-n]lggjfb-dfcf]jfbsf] ;fj{ef}d lj1fgsf] /Iff, k|of]u / ljsf; ug{] ;Gbe{df oL / sltko dxTjk"0f{ j}rfl/s, /fhg}lts k|Zgx?df kf6L{leq uxg ax; / 5nkmn ug{' :jfefljs dfq geP/ cTofjZos s'/f xf] . k/Gt', olt dxfg\ / o'ufGtsf/L cEof;sf] ul/df, cf]h / dxTjnfO{ Go"gLs/0f / e|i6Ls/0f ub{}{ sltkon] ghfg]/ / sltko cj;/jfbL tyf k|ltlqmofjfbL ;Qfwf/Lx?n] rflx+ hfgL-hfgL o;nfO{ g]t[Tjsf] 6Ss/ jf If'b| JolQmut lvrftfgLsf] ?kdf k|:t't ug{ / hg;d'bfodf e|d 5g{] h'g b'ik|oTg ul//x]sf 5g\ To;af6 ;fjwfg /xg xfdL ;Dk"0f{ kf6L{ k+lQm / qmflGtsf/L hg;d'bfodf xflb{s cfu|x ub{5f}+ . ;fy} xfd|f] kf6L{ / g]t[Tjn] ljsl;t ljrf/ >[+vnfdf k|r08ky / PSsfO;f}+ ztfAbLdf hgjfbsf] ljsf;af/]sf] d"n dd{ cg'?k To:tf uxg j}rfl/s, /fhg}lts k|Zgx?dflysf 5nkmnx? / cfGtl/s kf6L{ hLjgsf dxTjk"0f{ k|Zgx?nfO{ cfjZostf cg';f/ ;fj{hlgs ;d]t ub{} hfg]5 eGg] s'/fdf ljZj:t /xFb} k|ltlqmofjfbL ;Qflj?4sf] /0fg}lts k|Tofqmd0fsf] of] P]ltxfl;s r/0fdf ?cleJolQmsf] :jtGqtf / sfd sfjf{xLdf Ps ?ktf?sf] n]lggjfbL l;4fGtnfO{ dg, arg / sd{n] b[9tfk"j{s nfu" u/]/ hfg xfdL ;Dk"0f{ ;xof]4f sd/]8x?df xflb{s cg'/f]w ub5f}+ / xfd|f] cfkm\gf] To;k|ltsf] k"0f{ k|lta4tf hfx]/ ub{5f}+ .
@_ ?s;nfO{ s] sf] wGbf, 3/HjfOFnfO{ vfgsf] wGbf? eg] em}+ qmflGtsf/L hgo'4sf k|To]s df]rf{x?df nHhfhgs xf/ vf"b} uO/x]sf] / ;fdGtL /fhtGqfTds ;Qfsf] clGtd 38L s'l//x]sf] zfxL kmfl;jfbL ;Qfn] xfd|f] kf6L{leqsf] cs{} ;Gbe{sf] pRr j}rfl/s /fhg}lts ax;nfO{ If'b| zflGtjftf{sf] kIf jf ljkIfdf ePsf] / JolQmut ?kn] xfdL slyt zflGt jftf{sf] kIfw/ /x]sf] eGg] ljNs'n skf]slNkt, b'lg{otk"0f{ / xf:of;bk"0f{ k|rf/jfhL ul//x]sf] 5 . @)!& ;fnb]lv g} k|hftflGqs / jfdkGyL lsQfaf6 Psfw t'n;L lu/L / s]z/h? /fodfemLx?nfO{ rf]/]/ ltg}sf] j}zfvLsf] e/df /fhg}lts cl:tTj wfGb} cfPsf] d/0ff;Gg ;fdGtL tyf bnfn /fhtGqn] df3 !( ut]sf] 36gfkl5 k'gM To:t} u2f/x?sf] lznf vf]hL ug{' s'g} cgf}7f] s'/f xf]Og . k/Gt' ;a}nfO{ yfxf x'Fb} cfPsf] s'/F xf] ls xfd|f] kf6L{n] d'VotM s'Voft gf/fo0fLlx6L xTofsf08kZrft\ of] gSsnL /fhtGq / p;sf] e/f}6] zfxL ;]gfsf] k"0f{ lj36g / ;+ljwfg;ef dfkm{t\ nf]stflGqs u0ftGqnfO{ ;+:yfut ug{] k|ZgnfO{ g} cfkm\gf] d'Vo sfo{g}lts gf/f agfpFb} cfPsf] 5 / clxn] klg xfd|f] kf6L{ To;df b[9 5 . To;/L g} JolQmut ?kn] ;d]t xfdL xd];f ;fdGtL /fhtGq tyf t'n;L lu/L / /fodfemL k|j[lQsf] tLj| lj/f]w / e08fkmf]/sf] sfo{df ljz]if lqmofzLn /x]sf] / nf]stflGqs u0ftGqsf] Go"gtd\ sfo{qmdnfO{ ;kmnLe"t kfg{ tlNng /x]sf] s'/f xfd|f ;fjhlgs n]v / cleJolQmx?af6 ;d]t ;a}nfO{ /fd|/L cjut 5 . o;af6 ltlNdnfPsf] 1fg]Gb|-kf/; xTof/f lu/f]x / To;sf ef6x?n] xfd|f] /fhg}lts rl/q xTof ug{ xfdLnfO{ slxn] ?cfTd;dk{0fjfbL wf/sf] gfOs?] / slxn] ?zflGt jftf{ kIfw/? egL cgu{n b'ik|rf/ ug{] u/]sf] s'/f oxfFg]/ ljz]if :d/0fLo 5 . To;}n] xfdL k'gM hf]8 lbP/ eG5f}+ clxn]sf] cfjZostf slyt zflGt jftf{ xf]Og, of] gSsnL /fhtGq / p;sf] e/f}6] zfxL ;]gfnfO{ ;bfsf] lglDt ;d"n gi6 ug{ ;Dk"0f{ zlQm s]lGb|t ug{' xf] . o; l:yltdf d/0ff;Gg zfxL kmfl;jfbLsf] ;Qfsf] uf]ojN; z}nLsf] b':k|rf/sf] e|ddf k6Ss} gkg{ / nf]stflGqs u0ftGqsf] Go"gtd ;femf sfoqmddf uf]naGb eP/ cfGbf]ngdf pqg xfdL ;Dk"0f{ ;xof]4f sd/]8x?, ;+;bjfbL bnx? / cfd hg;d'bfonfO{ xflb{s cfu|x ub{5f}+ / o; lglDt cfjZos ;xof]u ug{ ;Dk"0f{ cGt/f{li6"o ;d'bfodf ;d]t ljz]if ckLn ub{5f}+ .
#_ xfdLnfO{ dxfg\ hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] lgoGq0fdf /flvPsf] b'Zk|rf/ u/]/ xfd|f] uf}/jzfnL hgd'lQm ;]gf / xfdL aLrdf kmf6f] / cljZjf; k}bf ug{] b'Zk|of; klg sltko cj;/jfbLx? / k|ltlqmofjfbL ;Qfwf/Lx?n] ul//x]sf 5g\ . dfn]dfjfbL j}rfl/s xltof/ / pRr g}lts pTk|]/0ffn] n}; tyf ;+;f/af6 ;a} o'4x?sf] cGt ug{] clGtd o'4 nl8/x]sf xfd|f] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf jL/ of]4fx?dfly To:tf] 3[l0ft / skf]nslNkt cf/f]k nufP/ abgfd ug{ vf]Hg]x?k|lt xfdL tLj| 3[0ff / cfqmf]; JoQm ub{5f}+ / o:tf] kmf]xf]/L v]n / if8\oGq t'?Gt aGb ug{ xfdL tL zfxL hNnfb / ef8fsf 6?'x?nfO{ uDeL/ r]tfjgL lbG5f}+ . ;fy} ljrf/ / aGb'ssf] ;xL ;dof]hgdf hf]8 lbg'sf] ;?f tL b'O{aLrdf kmf6f] kf/]/ ?km'6fp / zf;g u/?sf] k|ltlqmofjfbL gLlt cg'z/0f ug{ vf]Hg] tTjx?b]lv ;ts{ / ;r]t /xg klg xfd|f hgd'lQm ;]gfsf ;xof]4f sd/]8x? / cfd hg;d'bfodf xfdL ljz]if cfu|x ub{5f}+ . g]kfnL Oltxf;df klxnf] rf]6L zf]lift, pTkLl8t hgtfsf] k+lQmaf6 / o'4sf] d}bfgaf6 x's]{/ tof/ ePsf] qmflGtsf/L hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] e/kbf{] ;'/Iff 3]/fleq /xg kfpFbf xfdLnfO{ s'g} k|sf/sf] UnfgL xf]Og c;Ld uf}/j / cfgGbsf] cg'e"lt eO/x]sf] s'/f klg xfdL ;a}nfO{ cjut u/fpg rfxG5f}+ .
$_ xfd|f] uf}/jzfnL kf6L{sf cWoIf s= k|r08 / xfd|f] aLrdf g]t[Tjsf] xf]8afhL / JolQmut b'ZdgL /x]sf] b'Zk|rf/ u/]/ e|d 5g{] k|oTg klg cj;/jfbL tTjx? / zfxL kmf;LjfbL ;Qfx?n] nfdf] ;dob]lv ul//x]5g\ . o;n] pgLx?sf] k|ltlqmofjfbL] juL{o b[li6bf]if, b'lg{ot / cNk1fgsf] emNMsf] dfq lbG5 . Pp6f hLjGt qmflGtsf/L kf6L{leq ;RRff ;j{xf/f juL{o g]t[Tj k|0ffnL cyjf kf6L{ ;]gf / ;Qfdf PsLs[t ;j{xf/f g]t[Tj sfod ug]{ ljlwaf/] ax; / 5nkmn rNg ;S5 t/ ToxfF If'b| JolQmut :jfy{ / g]t[Tj lglDt lvrftfgL x'Gg eGg] s'/f cj;/jfbL / k|ltlqmofjfbLx?n] lsdfy{ a'?g ;Sb}gg\ . To;/L g} sDo'lgi6 qmflGtsf/Lx?n] g]t[TjnfO{ ;fd"lxstfsf] s]Gb|Ls[t cleJolQmsf] ?kdf plrt cfb/ / ;Ddfg u5{g\ t/ ;jf{]Rr g]t[Tj nufot ;a} txsf] g]t[Tjdf ?Pssf] b'O{df ljefhg? -cyf{t ;sf/fTds / gs/fTds kIfx?sf] of]u_ sf] lgod nfu" x'g] kIfnfO{ slxNo} gsfb}{gg\ eGg] s'/f klg pgLx?n] a'em\g ;Sb}gg . To;}n] cWoIf s= k|r08 / xfd|f]aLrdf s'g} JolQmut s6'tf g/x]sf] / slxNo} g/xg] s'/f klg xfdL k|i6 kfg{ klg rfxG5f}+ .
%_ cGTodf, k|ltlqmofjfbLx?sf] if8\oGq / cj;/jfbLx?sf] e|dnfO{ lrb{} ?cleJolQmsf] :jtGqtf / sfdsf/jfxLdf Ps?ktf? sf] n]lggjfbL dfGotf cg'?k xfd|f] uf}/jzfnL kf6L{sf] qmflGtsf/L PstfnfO{ cIf'0f sfod /fVb} dxfg\ ;z:q hgo'4sf] af6f], /0fg}lts k|Tofqmd0fsf] of]hgf / tTsfn nf]stflGqs u0ftGqsf] Go"gtd sfo{qmddf Pstfa4 eP/ cfGbf]ngdf cu|;/ x'g xfdL ;Dk"0f{ qmflGtsf/L ;xof]4f / cfdhg;d'bfodf xflb{s cfu|x ub{5f]+ . tTsfn cWoIf s= k|r08sf] g]t[Tjdf xfd|f] kf6L{n] nf]stflGqs u0ftGq / ;+ljwfg ;efsf] Go"gtd sfo{qmddf b]zsf ;a} nf]stflGqs /fhg}lts zlQmx? / cGt/f{li6"o ;d'bfo;d]tsf] ;xof]u h'6fP/ lg0ff{os cfGbf]ngsf] cfFwLa]x/L ;[hgf ug{ ul/x]sf ;a} kxnx?df xfd|f] ;lqmo ;xsfo{ / ;xeflutf /x]sf] / elj:odf ;d]t /lx/xg] hfgsf/L klg ;DalGwt ;a}df u/fpg rfxG5f}+ .?
-g]kfn sDo'lg:6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_ afa'/fd e?/fO{ / lxl;nf odLaf/] ljut s]xL ;dob]lv ;]gfsf] xjfnf lbb}+ g]kfnL ;~rf/ dfWodx?n] lbPsf] ;dfrf/x?sf] v08g ub}{ afa'/fd e?/fO{ / lxl;nf odLn] ;+o'Qm ?kdf dfr{ @$ tfl/vsf lbg hf/L u/]sf] lj1lKt ._

Thank you, Nepalipost for publishing an article by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and Hishila about their expulsion from the party. The article now clearly suggest that the news spread by the Nepali Army was just a propaganda. It's worth reading that article. I am not supporting the maoist's view here but I am against the propaganda that is intended to mislead ordinary people of Nepal.

Can any Nepali papers publish this news?

Revolution time in Nepal. Join us guys.


I was nearly tired of urging for the restoration of civil rights in Nepal from this sajha thread. Poor me! Who reads sajha.com? Neither Gyanendra nor Prachanda. Even the sajha regulars don't read everything that pop up in Kurakani. Not only the nature oblige to the theory of natural selection, everybody does. So my unselfish propaganda was about to come to an end.I was thinking to keep quiet now because my Ramayana was getting boring. Let this thread die, I thought.
But yesterday's events in the Central Asian state of Kyrgyzstan have revived my hopes. Wow, it's damn easier to oust despots from power. About 10,000 people with velvet headbands gathered in the central square of Bishkek, stormed towards the presedential palace and Askar Akayev had to flee away outright. Not a single round of bullet was fired. The police brutally beat few people but that was enough to depose a president since 1991. Lemon revolution they said. But a one day revolution was such a grand success that one of the protestors hurried himself to the hot seat of the president and and sat their for few minutes. Life time experience. PEOPLE'S POWER has magic and it's working phonemenally in central Asia these days. Georgians and the Ukrainians did the same thing in style. Even the Phillipinos and the Ivorians didn't need to shed their blood to overthrow the dictators.
Now why don't the Nepalese learn this idea of revolution? You don't have to break the bars, smash the windows or set fire on public vehicles to demonstrate. The Kyrgyz had no single leader to lead the revolution but they did it so stylishly. WHy can't you gather at hanumandhoka square in thousands and head north- east towards Narayanhiti demanding the restoration of your rights. WHy do you wait for the corrupt leaders to lead you again? This is the time to stop Gyanendra from becoming Saddam Hussein. If we don't oppose him now, he will be powerful and we need foreign intervention to oust him. Why do we give the Indians or Americans the chance to interfare? Kyrgyz drove Akayev out from the palace even if he was Russia's favourite. Why can't Nepalese learn from the velvet or orange or yellow revolution. Nepalese, this is revolution time. Come on let's assemble in Hanuman Dhoka. Here are the slogans:

Nirankush Rajtantra - Murdabad Sambaidhanik Rajtantra - Thikai chha
Maobadi Atanka -Murdabad Maobadi Dajubhai - Hamrai Hun
Bhrastachari Neta- Murdabad Bahudaliya Prajantantra -JIndabad
Hatya hinsha - Banda Gar Shanti Surachhya - Kayam Garr
Nepal kasko - Janata ko

Fataha Neta- Chahidaina, Ugra Maobadilai- Fasi de, Tanashahi Raja - Kashi Ja.

Luta sathi ho. Durbar Square ma bhetaula. Ma ta hide.

न्यु युजर ब्रो,
म आज बल्ल हाम्फाल्या यो धागोमा।

प्रचण्डलाई लेखेको पत्र हेरेँ।
अनि जम्मै हेर्न मन लaग्यो।
तर धेरै लामो लाग्यो यसको गुदी गुदी कुन कुन पोस्टमा होला?
जम्मै हेर्न त ट्याम नै नपुग्ने जस्तो भो क्या। बल्ल बल्ल आऽको सप्ताहन्त!

Adarniya Paudel dai (ekai gam tham ko jetho batholai adar garera dai bhaneko anyatha nasocham),
thanks for jumping on my thread. Well, I have written lots of stuff in the previous postings but the conclusion can be made in few sentences: King G cannot restore peace single handedly, punish corrupt leaders but do not bypass political parties, give Maoists a genuine offer for dialogue(don't say throw your weapons and come for talks), don't rely solely on China and dismiss the US and India if you want to garner their support. This is 21st century. DO not try to rule in darkness. If you try to supress the people, that will trigger your own downfall. Kuro tei ho.

I have still many things to write to Prachanda, Baburam, Gyanendra and kangresi/kamniste neta but the problem is my room notebook doesn't work with unicode. Bholibata office janchhu ani sutukka bela belama sajha ma chhirera posting garamla devanagiri mai. Hass ta teti bela samma ka lagi namaskar.

These are worth reading (from Nepalipost.com)

A note: Is anybody noticing what the real agenda is?

Dr. Govinda Koirala
March 21, 2005

There are always some extreme political thinkers, who do not want to compromise. In stead, they try every way possible to convince others that they are right and everybody else is wrong. It should not be taken as unusual. If we are convinced ourselves, we like to bring other people in our side. Similarly, anyone with strong political convictions, there is no surprise if he, and only he, fantasizes of being the most right who is also voicing the majority. But the problem is that when the reality appears to be otherwise, he closes his eyes to dream and to bring others to agree with him. And, more dangerous part is when he goes further to start and harvests his lies with false pretensions in every way he can. But I think, this is nothing but to deceive himself.

Take the case, for example, an appeal to join the rally in Washington, DC. In an appeal posted in Peace Media on March 11, 2005, the rally coordination committee has made an appeal to join the rally for the cause of peace, justice, rule of law and democracy in Nepal. And, with the fact that the democracy has been crushed, rule of law has gone wild, freedom and justice has been wiped out by the King, who would not agree to join the rally to denounce it ? According to the appeal, the rally was in support of restoring human rights, political freedom, and of course to give the peace a chance. But, everyone was deceived by the appeal. Because, the real agenda was not in favor of rule of law, human rights, democracy and justice, the rally was definitely to support what the dictator, the King, has done to the country.

Of course, it is not anything new for those who have closed their own eyes to imagine that everything is going all right. The organizers were set to deceive; otherwise many people would not come out to the rally to support a dictator who has taken away the rights of the people. The appeal was beautifully crafted in such a way that the crowd can be fooled and the real agenda could appear in the rally itself. Some of my friends went even to say that the organizers were paid to organize the rally. But I don't want to go to that extreme, because, we all know that there are always some people who can go to the extreme with their own political conviction. They have the right to show their conviction. But, I guess a majority of the people in the rally were deceived. This also is supported by the fact that there were various groups chanting completely opposing slogans according to the reports (including the report in Nepali Post). But, I also have read a report justifying the opposing slogans in the rally. The reporter obviously has to be among the sympathizer of the rally who had to justify the opposing slogans by terming that as the freedom of expression. This is nothing but a laughing matter. A rally is supposed to bear one theme in which the slogans revolve around. If the views were of opposing nature, why could not there be another rally? They do not mix in the same. People were called for one theme and went for another. What is this then, if it was not a deceit?

I have also heard that a similar rally is being proposed in New York. I don't know what the agenda are, but I suspect of the same. Here, I think, one has to warn of the real agenda of the organizers. If people with the conviction that the dictatorship is good for Nepal, democracy and human rights of people are of the secondary concern; then they should join the rally for support. I like to encourage them to express their feelings. They have the right to express their views. But why deceive people? Is not this a result of a defeat mentality? Come on, if you think it is right, say so. But please don't fool the people that the rally is to protest against the death of democracy and freedom of the people in Nepal but make the slogans in support of a dictator. If there is any rally in New York City, we have to watch who comes out: those with two tongues or those with real convictions for a dictator. As long as real diehard supporters of the royal interventions come out, that should be commendable and that is what their agenda also should be. But we have to be more careful of the so called friends with two tongues, say one thing and do the other, just like the King of Nepal.

Yes, everybody wants peace and it does not matter where it comes from. But we also need to question ourselves: can it be brought by telling a lie and by silencing the truth? To cover a lie, you have to tell 100 more lies, but, still at the end the truth comes out any way.

University of Rio Grande
Ohio, USA gkoirala@hotmail.com

King committed to remain wedded to wrong end of the logic

Mathura P. Shrestha
March 18, 2005

The present king of Nepal is digging his own grave deep and to inevitable obscurity with a series of antidemocratic actions. This is a natural behavior with any despot suffering from paradigm paralysis. This is also an expected natural historic consequence. How the end of despots would come otherwise? There is an old saying in Sanskrit , ? ljgf;sfn] lak/Lt a'l4 ? or ?vinashakale biparita buddhi?, meaning ?one possessing a wrong mental frame at a time of impending catastrophe?. His brother, king Birendra, got fame as wise, pragmatic monarch who took historic and courageous decision to surrender his panchayat autocracy mode of rule (totally) to multiparty democracy and constitutional monarchy. It was a difficult decision for a monarch surrounded by power addict, ruling feudals in the royal palace to become so brave and rational. He had a moral courage to have his paradigm shifted. That is why he became unexpectedly popular and loved one after that great surrender of April 9, 1990.

When I was eleven, I was on the way to India with my parents to pass winter vacations. I still remember a night in an inn in Bhimphedi (a small town on the way to India) in 2002 BS (1945 AD). My parents had a chat about the future of Nepal and Rana Regime with a fellow traveler, a Subba (a high official in Rana regime) of Newar ethnicity and posted in Rautahat district in the Terai Plains of Nepal. The Subba had said, ?There is no future of Rana rule. The more you pump a worn-out football the more the risk of violent end with an out-burst. Rana rulers are but pumping suppressions in Nepal at a time when people are already awakening.? I have never forgotten those words since then, spoken at a time when absolute autocracy was intact (or there was a total absence of democracy).

Gyanendra was hastily crowned king by Ranas in late 1949 to replace his grandfather king who took refuse in India (but not abdicated) after the start of the first armed revolution of Nepali Congress. He was not recognized at that time as a king by a single country or even by an overwhelming majority of people. No wonder he inherited the traits of dying Rana rule the end of which was smelt even by a Subba, engaged to maintain ?law and order? on behalf of Ranas, several years prior. The king?s February 1 coup d??tat was a desperate attempt to save the monarchy stinking since ?Royal Massacre.? Many wonder why he chose to come out of respectable position of constitutional monarchy. None expected that abnormal behavior especially at such circumstance when an overwhelming majority of people of Nepal had a difficulty to dissociate his name from so many hated instances of trafficking and shady undertakings. He seems to have lost both hind and fore sights. Only a person of that compulsion could take that stand in a period when monarchy was becoming increasing irrelevant in Nepal. For that reason the king is never so isolated as today in international community and among his own people.

There has been a lot of senseless killings and incidences of human rights violations. Editors and journalists are harassed with insulting interrogations by police; many are in jail or in non-justifiable custody. Almost daily, too many witch-hunts of many political and human rights workers are staged. Many are arrested or in custody without any opportunity to have communication with their families, friends or outside world. All writing papers, pens and even watches get confiscated or are not allowed to have. To have a smoke-screen during the ICHR conference the king has released recently sacked Prime Minister Deuba and few others. However arrests are very common all the time of days and nights and in all parts of Nepal. In spite of the false assurance of Ramesh Pandey in Geneva the draconian rule in Nepal continue to be stiff without any outlet. Yesterday only more than a thousand demonstrators, journalists, human rights defenders and women were arrested from all over Nepal. Naturally, there are growing political protests and demonstrations all over Nepal in spite of the strict bans.

I will like to cite one case that happened recently in Parsa district:

Maoists blockaded the roads there. In a point on a road there was a heap of boulders with a note that there is a bomb buried. An army detachment patrolling there saw that. In the mean time two persons belonging to a Tharu minority community was coming in their bicycles loaded with faggots of fuel woods from nearby forest. The army personnel forced the innocent victims to come down and clear the road. Result? The bomb went off instantly killing the both and three of the soldiers. The army or any other security personnel can not order civilians or untrained personnel to dispose a bomb or clear a site suspected to have a bomb hidden. That is a clear human right violation. The army-censored news appeared in daily papers the next day that two Maoists blew themselves off. The source of disinformation (the miscarried news) was the army itself.

The army is now overseeing all unacceptable censures, strictures and other such actions of human rights violation. Why? Do its officers and commanders want to identify the institution wedded to a hated autocrat or alternatively to the country and its people? I do not want to blame other security institutions as army is leading the censors for so called ?law and order?. I am sure that the army personnel with glorious records of faith in democracy do not like to take up dirty roles of those kinds. I only think that they are bond with a false perception of army discipline. Any act that goes against their moral and social responsibility can?t be misnamed as discipline. If army personnel behave no better than Maoists what remains of their credibility. I strongly oppose human rights violations and similar senseless killings by the Maoists too. If they claim to be revolutionary they can?t afford to be engaged in such despicable acts of human rights violation. I also oppose senseless blockades being frequently imposed by both security personnel and the Maoists. I got rumor today that the Maoists have withdrawn their blockades in view of several upcoming festivals. I hope it is true. I also appeal them to withdraw their blockade programs of April.

I am happy to note ever growing solidarity of the people all over the world for the people of Nepal fighting for democracy and against the king?s autocracy. We, the people of Nepal, cherish on so many demonstrations, support meetings and conferences, protest letters, press statements and media coverage all over the world. Nepal has become a test case for the international solidarity in the defense of democracy, human rights and transformed peace. That must be continued with further vigor and commitments. I am happy to note that many countries and international agencies have decided to discontinue military and other aids to Nepal. I also appreciate the Prime Minister of China for canceling his planned visit to Nepal. I expect that its Foreign Minister also would cancel the proposed visit. We are disturbed by the news that there is a possibility of arms aid or sale from China to Nepal. If true, it will be equal to stabbing the good faith the people of Nepal developed for the people of China on account of age old inter-country relationships and because of several people oriented development aids and grants that China provided to the people of Nepal. I also hope that the Chinese government will remain sensitive to the people?s love and struggle for democracy in Nepal. World community is with the people of Nepal. China can?t afford to ignore that. Relation is to be developed, but not that kind of relationship incompatible to the peoples of Nepal, just because Nepal?s autocrat wanted to have that way. The relationship existing between the peoples of Nepal and China for centuries should not be interrupted to satisfy a lust of a king turned autocrat against its constitution.

Dear friends,

This thread has gained popularity day by day; thanks to Newuser who thoughtfully gave birth to 'Thinking Impartially and Sensibly'. The article is copied and pasted from Krishnasen Online by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. Two things to note here: one, it proves he is still in the party as he has ever been (the article is dated 15 Mar 05), and second, it is worth reading because this thread, I believe, was created by Newuser with a view to give all sides a place. There is no so called 'Propaganda'!


THE ROYAL REGRESSION AND THE QUESTION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC

Baburam Bhattarai

CPN(Maoist)

In his famous work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx had said: "Hegel observes somewhere that all great incidents and individuals of world history occur, as it were, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce." It was while drawing a parallel between the coup of 1851 by Napoleon's nephew Louis Bonaparte, who had then crowned himself as Napoleon III, and the original Napoleonic coup of 1799. Of course, this was in a satirical sense.

Similar law of Hegelian dialectics seems to be in operation in the history of Nepal, too. While the father, King Mahendra, had staged a military coup on December 16, 1960 against the first parliamentary democracy established after 1950 to centralise all power in himself, now the son, King Gyanendra, has staged another military coup on February 1, 2005 against the second parliamentary democracy restored after 1990 and centralised all state power in himself. However, for the politically enlightened ones, it is not difficult to see beneath the surface that this episode of February 1 is merely a continuation or culmination of the episode of June 1, 2001, when the relatively more weak or liberal King Birendra, along with his entire family, was butchered and a new dynasty ushered in by Gyanendra. This way, the "First February" of the Nepalese history seems to be a carbon copy of the "Eighteenth Brumaire" of the French history; but it is yet to be seen whether it will be more 'tragic' or more 'farcical'.



The Essence of the Royal Regression

In his every public utterances after the coup, including the 'royal proclamation' of February 1, Gyanendra has laboured hard to sell the theory that his present move is designed to restore 'peace' and consolidate 'multi-party democracy' by exorcising the ghost of 'terrorism' [i.e. the ongoing revolutionary People's War led by the CPN(Maoist), and this is meant only for a definite time-frame of coming three years. While talking to a group of selected media persons on February 24, he has particularly taken pains to project himself as the real Messiah of 'democracy' and the exorcist of 'terrorism' and has demanded of the parliamentary political parties and the entire members of the international community to cooperate with him in this grand venture against 'terrorism'. Thus, he has sought to project himself as the true follower of the US President George W. Bush in the international crusade against 'terrorism' and begged everybody to grant legitimacy to his autocratic military regime at least on that count. Of course, he seems to have learnt a few lessons from General Musarraf of Pakistan.

However, Gyanendra's such political gimmicks are not cutting much ice among the masses, as he has a tainted image as the hardliner autocrat even within the palace since his father's and bother's days and is particularly hated among the public as the real fratricidal and regicidal culprit in the palace massacre of June 1, 2001. Particularly after his induction of the old palace stooges of known anti-democratic persuasions like Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bista as his principal political associates and his abduction of all fundamental and democratic rights of the people with the contrywide declaration of emergency, the essential nature of his despotic military rule has been thoroughly unmasked. Despite his incessant parroting about his commitments towards 'multi-party democracy' and 'constitutional monarchy' , all his real practices so far including the crackdown on political parties and their leaders, free media and human rights activists and blatant trampling upon the limited democratic provisions of the old constitution, leave one in no doubt that the supine parliamentary democratic system has been snuffed out and the autocratic monarchy restored in the country.

Hence the questions arise: How could the limited bourgeois democratic system established after 1990 be abolished and the autocratic monarchy restored so smoothly? Should not the wheel of history move forward rather than backward? For the correct answers to these questions, one has to grasp the laws of social development in a scientific and objective manner and to correctly evaluate the weaknesses and limitations of the chronically infirm parliamentary system after 1990.

Firstly, it should be acknowledged that struggle between social classes provides the basic motive forces of societal development. The present Nepalese society in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial stage is a multi-class society, and the principal struggle there is among the feudal, the bourgeois and the proletarian classes. All the three principle contending classes have their allies, too. The traditionally dominant feudal class has the comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie with it; the small and weak bourgeois class has a section of the rural and urban petty-bourgeois class with it; and the proletariat has the vast number of poor peasants and semi-proletariat with it. This basically triangular class contention is increasingly turning into a bi-polar contention after the initiation and development of revolutionary People's War under the leadership of the proletariat since 1996. In other words, according to the law of class struggle and social development , the parasitic reactionary classes are polarised on one side under the leadership of the most capable and strong class among themselves, and on the other side are rallied the working and the progressive classes under the leadership of the most advanced class, the proletariat. As the monarchy representing the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeois classes is historically the strongest representative of the reactionary classes in Nepal, the parasitic classes most adversely affected by the revolutionary People's War have been increasingly rallying under the leadership of the monarchy. This is the rationale and essence of the current royal regression or the restoration of autocratic monarchy in the social class terms. The regressive march of the reactionary classes in opposition to the progressive march of the working classes is perfectly in keeping with the dialectical law of social development.

Secondly, viewing from a further political angle, it should be acknowledged that the inherent defects and weaknesses of the bourgeois parliamentary democracy established after 1990 and the general infirmity and incapacity of the middle strata and forces also provided an objective basis for the ultimate feudal autocratic regression. Historically, the major parliamentary political forces, viz. the Nepali Congress and later the revisionist UML, enjoy no independent class base of their own, and tend to represent a hodge-podge of class forces ranging from the feudals and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie to the petty-bourgeoisie and constantly take vacillating and conciliatory political positions. Contrary to this, the monarchy traditionally draws its strength from the prevailing feudal property and cultural relations, and principally, from its monopoly hold over the Royal Nepal Army (RNA). To be more specific, the political change and the Constitution of 1990 did not properly settle the question of 'state sovereignty' traditionally claimed by the monarchy and left the final 'state authority' and strategic control over the RNA in the hands of the monarchy. This 'historical blunder' (to paraphrase Jyoti Basu from India!) paved the way for the monarchy to gradually gobble up the parliament and the Constitution and consummate the current royal regression. Moreover, the parliamentary forces during their twelve years long rule in between did nothing to bring about a progressive transformation in the traditionally feudal and increasingly comprador and bureaucratic capitalist socio-economic and cultural base of the society. In the later period, particularly along with the rapid development of the revolutionary People's War, their class and political base got further eroded. As a result, the upper strata of the society which had backed the parliamentary forces after the political change of 1990 gradually returned back to the fold of the monarchy and the lower and a section of the middle strata naturally got polarized around the revolutionary People's War. This dilemma of the reformist parliamentary forces has been summed up in Chairman Com. Prachanda's recent People's War Anniversary statement thus: "Ultimately, the so-called royal proclamation of February 1 has not only exposed the irrelevance of reformism in the Nepalese politics, but also shattered the collective lethargy of the parliamentary political forces."



Thirdly, from a military point of view, this action of total centralization of the old state authority in the absolute monarchy can been as an attempt of the moribund reactionary classes to wage a final battle with the revolutionary forces in the ever mounting class war in the country. In view of the recent declaration of the CPN (Maoist) to lead the nine-year old revolutionary People's War into the final and decisive stage of strategic offensive, it is not unnatural, though foolish, for the frightened reactionary classes to attempt to wage a final battle of life and death under the direct leadership of the monarchy, which has assumed supreme commandership of the RNA since its inception. In the recent past the pathetic showing of the RNA in almost every real battle with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been blamed by certain quarters on the contradictions of de jure political leadership of the parliamentary forces and de facto leadership of the monarchy over the RNA, Also, it is not hard to understand the super military ambitions of Gyanendra, who has grabbed the throne by butchering the entire family of his brother, Birendra, to project himself as the great savior of his tottering feudal and comprador-bureaucratic bourgeois class. Nevertheless, as any common student of military science would know, the victory or defeat of a particular army ultimately depends more on its social class base and the political goal rather than on the leadership prowess of its commander, and in that sense the ultimate defeat of the reactionary RNA should be a foregone conclusion and Gyanendra's dream would be mere chimera.



Role of the International Forces

In the present day world of imperialist globalization any internal political event has more international ramifications than ever before. Hence the February 1 royal regression has generated worldwide reactions, and all major world and regional powers and organizations, including the UN, the USA, the UK, the EU, India, China and others have issued public statements on the question. Surprisingly none of the major international players have supported Gyanendra's regressive steps so far. Not only that the major powers like the USA, the UK, the EU and India, which have been the principal props for the reactionary regimes in Nepal in the past, have publicly opposed the current developments, and others like China, Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc. have commented upon the events as 'internal affairs of Nepal'. The most significant international development has been the suspension of military aid by India and the UK (the USA also appears to be toeing the same line) and suspension of 'development aid' by a number of EU countries. International human rights organisations such as the Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc., have publicly denounced the royal regime for its rampant violations of human and democratic rights of the people. Thus the autocratic royal regime has been totally isolated from the international community so far, which is a good omen for the democratic movement.

However, the despotic regime is desperately seeking to exploit two issues to gain international support for itself. The first is the 'anti-terrorism' card, and the second, the 'geo-political' card. The hackneyed 'anti-terrorism' card, much exploited after September Eleven by all and sundry petty dictators and reactionary regimes of the world, has already lost much of its original steam and is yet to be seen how it will fare in Gyanendra's case. But one can be fairly certain that the enlightened world public opinion won't be easily hoodwinked by the 'anti-terrorism' claims of a person of Gyanendra's ilk, whose hands are blood-stained in the infamous palace massacre and who has now launched a countryside reign of military terror against the people by suspending all political and fundamental rights. Nevertheless, as all the values and norms in a class-divided society are governed by class interests, it won't be surprising if some of the reactionary rulers of the world would ultimately back the regressive royal regime, overtly or covertly.

As far as the 'geo-political' card of the country's strategic positioning between the two super-states of China and India is concerned, Gyanendra's attempts to repeat the skillful diplomatic maneuvering of playing one neighbour against the other as practiced by his father, Mahendra, in the specific cold-war context of the last century cannot be expected to bear much fruit in the changed situation of international balance of forces in general and the India-China relations in particular. The recent coming together of the USA and India and their coordinated policy against royal regression may tempt Gyanendra to play the China card. He has given enough hints of this by appointing the old royalist Kirti Nidhi Bista with a known pro-China tilt as one of his principle associates in the government. Similarly, Pakistan and Bangladesh, with traditional contradictions with India, may provide some breathing space for the royal regime; some indications of which have already come from the Pakistani ambassador in Kathmandu. However, given the extremely shaky position and uncertain future of Gyanendra himself, it is hard to believe that any of the neighbours will go beyond diplomatic niceties to extend him any substantial material help. Similarly, on the part of the proletarian revolutionaries they should be prudent enough to practice strategic firmness and tactical flexibility in the matters of diplomatic relations particularly with the immediate neighbours.

Another noteworthy factor in recent days is the indication of some positive change in the attitude of major international and regional powers towards the revolutionary forces in Nepal. Due to their own distorted class outlook and interests, these major powers in the past used to regard the monarchy and the parliamentary forces as the so-called 'two pillars of stability', and they were seen working hard to bring about a grand alliance between the two against the revolutionary democratic forces. Now they seem to be increasingly veering round a 'three pillar' theory, including the revolutionary forces; which is, of course, a step forward. But the historical necessity and the new objective reality of the country is that the new 'two pillars' of parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces join hands to uproot the outdated and rotten third 'pillar' of monarchy. The CPN(Maoist) has already made a policy decision to this effect, which is reflected in the recent Anniversary statement issued by Chairman Com. Prachanda.



The Question of Democratic Republic

After the royal regression of February 1, there are seen some important developments in the internal political situation. Whereas earlier the national politics was divided into three streams of monarchy, parliamentary democracy and revolutionary people's democracy, now it is gradually getting polarized into two broad streams of monarchy and democracy. Particularly, the leaders, cadres and supporters of parliamentary democracy have now seen through the anti-democracy maneuvering and divide-and-rule policy of the monarchy in the past and their collective ire against the monarchy has sharpened more than ever before. Though there are sponsored public rallies and statements in favour of the autocratic monarchy on a daily basis, none of the known political parties or their leaders have openly endorsed the royal move so far. While the royal regime has laboured hard to propagate that the harsh autocratic measures are directed only against the 'terrorists' (i.e. Maoist revolutionaries), the people have increasingly realized that they are against all the democratic forces. Similarly, almost all the members of 'civil society', media persons, human rights organizations, professional organizations, etc. have openly come out against the royal coup. This is obviously a good sign for the future of democracy in the country.

However, it is a matter of serious concern that even after more than a mouth since the coup the democratic forces have not been able to come up with an effective & coordinated plan, programme or mechanism of resistance against the autocratic monarchy. The CPN (Maoist) attempted to provide initial tempo to the resistance movement by organizing a three-day 'Napal Bandh' (shut-down) and a fifteen-day transportation blockade in February, and is planning further mass-mobilization and military-action programmes in coming months. The parliamentary forces did organize some propaganda activities from India and symbolic public rallies within the country, and are planning peaceful mass-arrest programmes for the future. But the desired sharp attacks against the monarchy in a unified manner, firstly, amongst the parliamentary forces and, secondly, between the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces, has not materialized so far. Whereas the Nepali Congress has come out more sharply against the monarchy, the so-called 'leftist' UML has made a relatively muted response against the royal coup. This has naturally raised some apprehensions among the masses whether a new 'Rayamajhi' trend (i.e. the capitulation of the then general secretary of the CPN, Keshar Jang Rayamajhi, to the monarchy in the 1960s) is in the offing. However, after so much blood-bath the situation has undergone a sea change since then. Hence, even if a few Rayamajhis from the left camp and a few Tulsi Giris from the Nepali Congress camp may arise, the overwhelming majorities of the leaders & cadres of the political parties and the general masses of the people are likely to fight till the end against the autocratic monarchy. Moreover, with the presence of the revolutionary PLA to take on the monarchist RNA, and the more favourable international situation than ever to fight against the absolute monarchy, a new objective ground is prepared for the democratic political forces to mount a unified assault against the monarchy so as to sweep it away for ever.

Precisely in this context the question of anti-monarchy common minimum programme and slogan acceptable to all the democratic forces, including the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces and the international community, has become pertinent. It has been the considered view of the CPN(Maoist) that the programme of election to a representative Constituent Assembly and institutionalization of the democratic republic is best suited for the purpose. The old slogan of restoration of the parliament or re-activization and amendment of 1990 Constitution, advanced by the parliamentary forces and the international community, has been totally outdated and inadequate in the new context. A brief recapitulation of the incessant struggle between the monarchy and democracy since the 1950s in the country should leave no one in doubt that without the complete abolition of the archaic institution of feudal monarchy and its puppet RNA no form of democracy can be secure and institutional in Nepal. It has been proved time and again that the so-called 'constitutional monarchy' seen in operation in some of the highly developed capitalist countries cannot be replicated in a semi-feudal & semi-colonial society. Hence any attempt on the part of the parliamentary political parties and the international forces to preserve the thoroughly rotten and discredited institution of monarchy, in this or that pretext, does not correspond with the historical necessity and ground reality of balance of forces in the country, and the agenda of 'democratic republic' has entered the Nepalese politics.

As for as the sincere commitment of the revolutionary democratic forces, who aspire to reach socialism and communism via a new democratic republic, towards a bourgeois democratic republic is concerned, the CPN(Maoist) has time and again clarified its principled position towards the historical necessity of passing through a sub-stage of democratic republic in the specificities of Nepal. Particularly, in "An Executive Summary of the Proposal Put Forward by CPN(Maoist) for the Negotiations" presented during the negotiations in April 2003 [See, Some Important Documents of Communist Party of Nepal(Maoist), 2004] the minimum content and the process of realization of this democratic republic through a Constituent Assembly has been expressed in concrete terms. The fact that the democratic republic is envisaged to be institutionalized through a freely elected Constituent Assembly, should cast away any illusions about the democratic credentials of the revolutionary forces. Further concrete issues like the creation of a new national army after the dissolution of the royal mercenary RNA can be discussed during the process of negotiations.

The need of the hour is unity of all democratic forces of the country on the common minimum programme of a democratic republic. If anything is lacking so far it is the real democratic vision and will power on the part of the leadership of major political parties. Also, it is the time to win confidence of the masses of the people through a correct projection of the democratic credentials of political parties, and for this the correct practice of inner-party democracy would be a significant component.

In the end, it may be useful to recollect Engels to understand why a proletarian party needs to uphold the programme of a bourgeois republic in the particular historical specificities of a country like present-day Nepal. Lambasting the Bukuninist anarchists who had opposed the immediate programme of a republic in nineteenth-century Spain, Engels had said:

"When the Republic was proclaimed in February 1873, the Spanish members of the Alliance [i.e. Bakuninist 'International'] found themselves in a quandary. Spain is such a backward country industrially that there can be no question there of immediate complete emancipation of the working class. Spain will first have to pass through various preliminary stages of development and remove quite a number of obstacles from its path. The Republic offered a chance of going through these stages in the shortest possible time and quickly surmounting the obstacles. But this chance be taken only if the Spanish working class played an active political role." [From "The Bakuninists at Work"]


March 15, 2005.

hehehehehe.... thats my reply!!!

It's self-explanatory.


Maoist Rejected deceptive Propaganda

Katmandu, March 16/ Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has rejected the deceptive propaganda of old regime transimmited by the old regime's media about Maoist leader Baburam Bhattrai and Hisila Yami.

Spokesperson of the Party Krishna Bahadur Mahara issuing a press Statement on Tuesday has said that the news transmitted by the government's media quoting the so-called Army Headquarter indicating that the party leader Baburam Bhattrai and Hisila Yami, ejected from the party is cent percent false. furthermore he has said- "We would like to let know to all that both of them are carrying out their tasks and responsibilities within the party and the movement counseling and mutual co-operation with Party Chairman Com. Prachanda." Below is the full text of the statement -



Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Central Committee

Press Statement


Being terrified by the People's war that is advancing towards the victory being more unified and centralized against the feudal autocracy, the feudal clique and its royal mercinaries are attempting to cover up their defeats and termination with the help of deceptions, illusions and fantasies. marcinary

The news transmitted by the government's media quoting the so-called Army Headquarter indicating that our party leader Baburam Bhattrai and Hisila Yami are ejected from the party is cent percent false. We would like to let know to all that both of them are carrying out their tasks and responsibilities within the party and the movement counseling and mutual co-operation with Party Chairman Com. Prachanda. Along with it, the so-called propaganda of Salyan, Dang, Kapilvastu, Baglung etc are totally imaginary, false and artificial. Instead that propaganda is articulated and sponsored by the royal army itself.

We request to all not to get dillused in these kinds of conspiracies and illusions publicized by the feudal clique revising the old retrogressive strategy of 'split and rule' against the people's War, our party, its leaders and cadres. We would also like to let all know that the great plan to move the struggle against the feudal autocracy in its final victory has brought a newer excitement and unity in the party and the relation with the people has started to be better and intimate.

March 16, 2005

Krishna Bahadur Mahara

Spokesperson

Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Tthis Thread is as much popular as Maoist in Nepal.... hehehehehe

sabai le hamilai nai vodu bhanthanne.... j bhane ni patyaaula jasto lagcha ho????

aba k bhanu... ma pani kya papular bhaa chu ni hau.... hehehehehehehehe

thats my reply
hehehehehehehe